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FOOTNOTES

INTRODUCTION

[1] Quint. I. 5, 72. The whole chapter is most interesting.

[2] How different has been the lot of Greek! An educated Greek at the present day would find little difficulty in understanding Xenophon or Menander. The language, though shaken by rude convulsions, has changed according to its own laws, and shown that natural vitality that belongs to a genuinely popular speech.

[3] See Conington on the Academical Study of Latin. Post. Works, i. 206.

[4] See esp. R. II. Bk. 1, ch. ix. and xv.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

[1] E.g. Finns, Lapps, or other Turanian tribes.

[2] The Latin agrees with the Celtic in the retention of the dat. plur. in bus (Celt, ib), Rigaib = regibus; and the pass. in r, Berthar = fertur.

[3] Cf. Plaut. Cure. 150, Lydi (v. 1, ludii) barbari. So Vos, Tusci ac barbari, Tib. Gracch. apud Cic. de Div. ii. 4. Compare Virgil's Pinguis Tyrrhenus.

[4] It is probable that Sp. Carvilius merely popularised the use of this letter, and perhaps gave it its place in the alphabet as seventh letter.

[5] Inst. Or. 1, 7, 14.

[6] In Cicero's time the semi-vowel j in the middle of words was often denoted by ii; and the long vowel i represented by the prolongation of the letter above and sometimes below the line.

[7] 1, 4, 7.

[8] This subject is well illustrated in the introduction to Masson's ed. of Todd's Milton.

[9] The reader should consult the introduction to Notes I. in Munro's Lucretius.

[10] Var. L. L. v. 85.

[11] Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 86.

[12] E.g. edepol, ecastor.

[13] Prob. an old optative, afterwards used as a fut.

[14] Cf. dic. fer.

[15] L. L. vii. 26, 27.

[16] Oscan estud. This is one of several points in which the oldest Latin approximates to the other Italian dialects, from which it gradually became more divergent. Cf. paricidas (Law of Numa) nom. sing. with Osc. Maras.

[17] Pol. iii. 22. Polybius lived in the time of the younger Scipio; but the antiquity of this treaty has recently been impugned.

[18] Inst. Or. i. 7, 12.

[19] Or, accentuating differently, “quoius forma virtutei | parisuma fuit.” We notice the strange quantity Lucius, which recalls the Homeric uperopliae.

[20] From Thompson's Essay on the Sources and Formation of the Latin Language; Hist. Of Roman Literature; Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.

CHAPTER II.

[1] The Ludi Romani, as they were afterwards called.

[2] Satura.

[3] The early laws were called “carmina,” a term applied to any set form of words, Liv. i. 25, Lex horrendi carminis. The theory that all laws were in the Saturnian rhythm is not by any means probable.

[4] The passages on which this theory was founded are chiefly the following:—“Cic. Brut. xix. utinam extarent illa carmina, quae multis saeculis ante suam aetatem in epulis esse cantitata a singulis convivis de clarorum virorum laudibus in Originibus seriptum reliquit Cato.” Cf. Tusc. i. 2, 3, and iv. 2, s.f. Varro, as quoted by Non, says: “In conviviis pueri modesti ut cantarent carmina antiqua, in quibus laudes erant maiorum, et assa voce et cum tibicine.” Horace alludes to the custom, Od. iv. 15, 27, sqq.

[5] Poeticae arti honos uon erat: si qui in ea re studebat, aut sese ad convivia adplicabat, grassator vocabatur.—Cato ap. Aul Gell. N.A. xi. 2, 5.

[6] In his epitaph.

[7] See Mommsen Hist. i. p. 240.

[8] It is a term of contempt in Ennius, “quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant.”

[9] Virg. Ecl. ix. 34.

[10] Fest. p. 333a, M.

[11] Ep. ii. 1, 162.

[12] It has been argued from a passage in Livy (ix. 36), “Habeo auctores vulgo tum Romanos pueros, sicut nunc Graecis, ita Etruscis literis erudiri solitos,” that literature at Rome must be dated from the final conquest of Etruria (294 B.C.); but the Romans had long before this date been familiar with Etruscan literature, such as it was. We have no ground for supposing that they borrowed anything except the art of divination, and similar studies. Neither history nor dramatic poetry was cultivated by the Etruscans.

[13] Others, again, explain fascinum as = phallos, and regard the songs as connected with the worship of the reproductive power in nature. This seems alien from the Italian system of worship, though likely enough to have existed in Etruria. If it ever had this character, it must have lost it before its introduction into Rome.

[14] Ep. ii. 1, 139, sqq.

[15] vii. 2.

[16] Macr. S. ii. 4, 21.

[17] C. lii.

[18] C. lxi.

[19] Loc. cit.

[20] Juv. viii. 191.

[21] Some have imagined that, as Saturnia tellus is used for Italy, so Saturnius numerus may simply mean the native or Italian rhythm. Bentley (Ep. Phal. xi.) shows that it is known to the Greeks.

[22] The name prochaios, “the running metre,” sufficiently indicates its applicability to early recitations, in which the rapidity of the singer's movements was essential to the desired effect.

[23] Attilius Fortunatianus, De Doctr. Metr. xxvi. Spengel (quoted Teuff. Rom. Lit. S 53, 3) assumes the following laws of Saturnian metre:— “(1) The Saturnian line is asynartetic; (2) in no line is it possible to omit more than one thesis, and then only the last but one, generally in the second half of the line; (3) the caesura must never be neglected, and falls after the fourth thesis or the third arsis (this rule, however, is by no means universally observed); (4) hiatus is often permitted; (5) the arsis may be solved, and the thesis replaced by pyrrhics or long syllables.”

[24] The reader will find this question discussed in Wagner's Aulularia; where references are given to the original German authorities.

[25] Dactylic poetry is not here included, as its progress is somewhat different. In this metre we observe: (1) That when a dactyl or spondee ends a word, the natural and metrical accents coincide; e.g.—omnia, sunt mihi, prorumpunt. Hence the fondness for such easy and natural endings as clauduntur lumina nocte, common in all writers down to Manilius. (2) That the caesura is opposed to the accent,e.g.—arma virumque cano | Troiae | qui. These anti-accentual rhythms are continually found in Virgil, Ovid, &c. from a fondness for caesura, where the older writers have qui Troiae, and the like. (3) That it would be possible to avoid any collision between ictus and accent, e.g.—scilicet omnibus est labor impendendus et omnes: inveterascit et aegro in corde senescit, &c. But the rarity of such lines after Lucretius shows that they do not conform to the genius of the language. The correspondence thus lost by improved caesura is partially re-established by more careful elision. Elision is used by Virgil to make the verse run smoothly without violating the natural pronunciation of the words; e.g.—monstrum horrendum informe; but this is only in the Aeneid. Such simple means of gaining this end as the Lucretian sive voluptas est, immortali sunt, are altogether avoided by him. On the whole, however, among the Dactylic poets, from Ennius to Juvenal, the balance between natural and metrical accent remained unchanged.

[26] Most of the verses extant in this metre will be found in Wordsworth's Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin.

[27] A good essay on this subject is to be found in Wordsworth's Fragments p. 580, sqq.

CHAPTER III.

[1] Scipio quoted Homer when he saw the flames of Carthage rising. He is described as having been profoundly moved. And according to one report Caesar's last words, when he saw Brutus among his assassins, were kahi se teknon.

[2] The reader will find them all in Wordsworth.

[3] Brut. xviii. 71, non digna sunt quae iterum legantur.

[4] Ep. ii. 1, 69.

[5] Liv. vii. 2.

[6] 19, 35. The lines are—

  “Etiam purpureo suras include cothurno, 
  Altius et revocet volueres in pectore sinus: 
  Pressaque iam gravida crepitent tibi terga pharetra; 
  Derige odorisequos ad certa cubilia canes.”

In their present form these verses are obviously a century and a half at least later than Livius.

[7] Livy, xxvii. 37.

[8] Gell. xvii. 21, 45.

[9] See page 46.

[10] The reader may like to see one or two specimens. We give one from tragedy (the Lycurgus):

  “Vos qui regalis corporis custodias 
  Agitatis, ite actutum in frundiferos locos, 
  Ingenio arbusta ubi nata sunt, non obsita;”

and one from comedy (the Tarentilla), the description of a coquette—

                     “Quasi pila 
  In choro ludens datatim dat se et communem facit; 
  Alii adnutat, alii adnictat, alium amat, alium tenet. 
  Alibi manus est occupata, alii percellit pedem, 
  Anulum alii dat spectandum, a labris alium invocat, 
  Alii cantat, attamen alii suo dat digito literas.”

[11] The Hariolius and Leo.

[12] Mil. Glor. 211.

[13] Brut. 19, 75.

[14] If immortals might weep for mortals, the divine Camenae would weep for Naevius the poet; thus it is that now he has been delivered into the treasure-house of Orcus, men have forgotten at Rome how to speak the Latin tongue.

CHAPTER IV.

[1] See Livy, vii. 2.

[2] The most celebrated was that erected by Scaurus in his aedileship 58 B.C., an almost incredible description of which is given by Pliny, N.H. xxxvi. 12. See Dict. Ant. Theatrum, whence this is taken.

[3] A temporary stone theatre was probably erected for the Apollinarian Games, 179 B.C. If so, it was soon pulled down; a remarkable instance of the determination of the Senate not to encourage dramatic performances.

[4] Done by Curio, 50 B.C.

[5] Primus subselliorum ordo.

[6] Otho's Law, 68 B.C.

[7] See Mommsen, Bk. iii. ch. xv.

[8] See prol. to Andria.

[9] Quint. x. 1, Comoedia maxime claudicamus.

[10] Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 170.

  “At vestri proavi Plautinos et numeros et 
  Laudavere sales: nimium patienter utrumque 
  Ne dicam stulte mirati.”

[11] De Off. i. 29, 104.

[12] iii. 3, 14.

[13] This process is called contamination. It was necessitated by the fondness of a Roman audience for plenty of action, and their indifference to mere dialogue.

[14] Cic. de Sen. 50.

[15] ii. 2, 35.

[16] Poen. v. 1.

[17] Plautus himself calls it Tragico-comoedia.

[18] We find in Donatus the term crepidata, which seems equivalent to palliata, though it probably was extended to tragedy, which palliata apparently was not. Trabeata, a term mentioned by Suet. in hisTreatise de Grammat., seems = praetextata, at all events it refers to a play with national characters of an exalted rank.

[19] E.g. trahax, perenniservus, contortiplicati, parcipromus, prognariter, and a hundred others. In Pseud. i. 5; ii. 4, 22, we have charin touto poio, nal nam, kai touto dae, and other Greek modes of transition. Cf. Pers. ii. 1, 79.

[20] One needs but to mention forms like danunt, ministreis, hibus, sacres, postidea dehibere, &c. and constructions like quicquam uti, istanc tactio, quid tute tecum? Nihil enim, and countless others, to understand the primary importance of Plautus's works for a historical study of the development of the Latin language.

[21] De Opt. Gen. Or. 1; cf. Att. vii. 3, 10.

[22] “in eis quas primum Caecili didici novas 
     Partim sum earum exactus, partim vix steti. 
       * * * * * 
     Perfeci ut spectarentur: ubi sunt cognitae 
     Placitae sunt" 
                     —Prol. 2, 14.

[23] 2 Hor. Ep, li. 1, 59. Vincere Caecilius gravitate.

[24] Adelph. prol.:

  “Nam quod isti dicunt malevoli, homines nobiles 
  Hunc adiutare, assidueque una scribere; 
  Quod illi maledictmn vehemens existimant, 
  Eam laudem hic ducit maximam: cum illis placet, 
  Qui vobis universis et populo placent: 
  Quorum opera in bello, in otio, in negotio 
  Suo quisque tempore usus est sine superbia.”

[25] See prol. to Andria.

[26] Suet. Vit. Ter.

[27] Tu quoque tu in summis, o dimidiate Menander, poneris, &c.— Ib.

[28] Possibly the following may be exceptions:—Andr. 218; Haut. 218, 356; Hec. 543. See Teuffel.

[29] See the first scene of the Adelphoe.

[30] Metriotaes, the quality so much admired by the Greek critics, in which Horace may be compared with Terence. Cf. Aul. Gell. vi. (or vii.) 14, 6.

[31] 1. 37, sqq.

[32] Suet. Vit. Ter.

[33] Sat. 1, 4, 53, referring to the scene in the Adelphoe.

[34] Except in the prologues to the Eun. and Hecyra.

[35] 805, “ut quimus aiunt, “quando ut volumus non licet.” The line of Caecilius is “Vivas ut possis quando non quis ut velis.

[36] Georg. iii. 9.

  “Tentanda via est qua me quoque possim 
  Toll ere humo victorque virum volitare per ora.”

He expresses his aspiration after immortality in the same terms that Ennius had employed.

[37] Eun. v. iv.

[38] Or “Lanuvinus.” Those who wish to know the inartistic expedients to which he resorted to gain applause should read the prologues of Terence, which are most valuable materials for literary criticism.

[39] Att. xiv. 20, 3.

[40] Teuffel 103.

[41] Sometimes called Tabernaria, Diomed iii. p. 488, though, strictly speaking, this denoted a lower and more provincial type.

[42] x. 1, 100.

CHAPTER V.

[1] Quadrati versus. Gell. ii. 29.

[2] Cic. de Sen. 5, 14.

[3] Ep. I. xix. 7.

[4] Nunquam poetor nisi podager.

[5] Quintus Maeonides pavone ex Pythagoreo (Persius).

[6] Greek, Oscan, and Latin.

[7] Ep. II. i. 52.

[8] Fragment of the Telamo.

[9] Aufert Pacuvius docti famam senis.—Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 56.

[10] We learn from Pliny that he decorated his own scenes.

[11] We infer that he came to Rome not later than 169, as in that year he buried Ennius; but it is likely that he arrived much earlier.

[12] De Am. vii.

[13] 1, 77. “Antiopa aerumnis cor luctificabile fulta.”

[14] Tusc. II. x. 48.

[15] The Antiopa and Dulorestes.

[16] Quint. I. V. 67-70.

[17] We give the reader an example of this feature of Pacuvius's style. In the Antiopa, Amphion gives a description of the tortoise: “Quadrupes tardigrada agrestis humilis aspera Capite brevi cervice anguina aspectu truci Eviscerata inanima, cum artimali sono. “ To which his hearers reply —“Ita saeptuosa dictione abs te datur, Quod coniectura sapiens aegre contulit. Non intelligimus nisi si aperte dixeris.

[18] Prob. 94 B.C. when Cic. was twelve years old. In Planc. 24, 59, he calls him “gravis et ingeniosus poeta.”

[19] Cf. Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 56; Cv. Am. i. 15, 19. On the other hand, Hor. S. I. x. 53.

[20] Loco = decori, Non. 338, 22.

[21] Compare a similar subtle distinction in the Dulorestes, “ Piget paternum nomen, maternum pudet profari.”

[22] Propria = perpetua, Non. 362, 2.

CHAPTER VI.

[1] Vahlen, quoted by Teuffel, S 90, 3; see Gell. xvii. 21, 43.

[2] Post. Works, i. p. 344.

[3] Inest in genere et sanctitas regum, qui plurimum inter nomines pollent, et caerimonia deorum, quorum ipsi in potestate sunt reges.— Suet. Jul. 6.

[4] “Postquamst morte datus Plautus Comoedia luget: 
    Scaenast deserta; dein Risus, Ludus, Jocusque 
    Et numeri innumeri simul omnes collacrumarunt.” 
                     —Gell. i. 24, 3.

[5] “Amnem, Troiugena, Cannam Romane fuge hospes,” is the best known of these lines. Many others have been collected, and have been arranged with less probability, in Saturnian verse by Hermann. The substance is given, Livy, xxv. 12. See Browne, Hist. Rom. Lit. p. 34, 35. Another is preserved by Ennius, Aio te, Aeacida, Romanes vincere posse.

[6] The shortening of final o, ergo, pono, vigilando, through the influence of accent, is almost the only change made after Ennius except in a few proper names.

[7] Compare that of the horse (II. vi. 506), “Et tum sicut equus qui de praesepibu' fartus Vincla suis magnis animis abrupit, et inde Fert sese campi per caerula laetaque prata Celso pectore, saepe iubam quassat simul altam. Spiritus ex anima calida spumas agit albas,” with Virg. Aen. xi. 492.

[8] Lucr. i. 111.

[9] Tr. ii. 424.

[10] Sat. vi. 1.

[11] III. 20, 8.

[12] Imitated respectively, Virg. A. iv. 585; A. i. 539; A. x. 361.

CHAPTER VII.

[1] Satira tota nostra est.—Quint. x. i.

[2] Aen. vi. 847, sqq. G. ii. 190; ib. 461, sqq.

[3] On this subject the reader may be referred to Merivale's excellent remarks in the last chapter of his History of the Romans under the Empire.

[4] It is probable that there were two kinds of Greek drama satyrikon; the tragic, of which we have an example in the Cyclops of Euripides, which represented the gods in a ludicrous light, and was abundantly furnished with Sileni, Satyrs, &c.; and the comic, which was cultivated at Alexandria, and certainly represented the follies and vices of contemporary life under the dramatic guise of heroic incident. But it is the non-dramatic character of Roman Satire that at once distinguishes it from these forms.

[5] See Hor. S. i. iv. 1-6.

[6] These were of a somewhat different type, and will not be further discussed here. See p. 144. Cf. Quint, x. 1, 95.

[7] Not invariably, however, by Lucilius himself. He now and then employed the trochaic or iambic metres.

[8] Sat. i. iv. 39, and more to the same effect in the later part of the satire.

[9] “In hora saepe ducentos ut multum versus dictabat stans pede in uno.” Sat. 1, iv. 9.

[10] Posthumous Works, vol. ii. on the Study of Latin.

[11] iii. p. 481, P. (Teuffel).

[12] 201 B.C.

[13] As, e.g. the Precepts of Ofella, S. ii. 2, and the Unde et quo Catius? S. ii. 4.

[14] The words are, (1) “Hic est ille situs, cui nemo civis neque hostis Quivit pro factis reddere operae pretium,” where “operae” must be pro nounced “op'rae;” (2) “A sole exoriente supra Mucotis paludes Nemo est qui factis me acquiparare queat. Si fas eudo plagas caelestum ascendere cuiquam est, Mi soli caeli maxima porta patet.”

[15] Infra Lucili censum, Sat. ii. 1, 75.

[16] L. Corn. Lentulus Lupus.

[17] Pers. i. 115.

[18] “Primores populi arripuit populumque tributim, 
     Scilicet uni aequus virtuti atque eius amicis.” 
                  —Hor. Sat. ii. 1, 69.

[19] Ense velut stricto quoties Lucilius ardens Infremuit, rubet auditor cui frigida mens est Criminibus, tacita sudant praecordia culpa.—Juv. i. 165.

[20] X. i. 93.

[21] Plin. N. H. Praef.

[22] De Fin. i. 3, 7.

[23] “Lucilianae humilitatis.”—Petronius.

[24] Sat. i. x.

[25] Primus condidit stili nasum, N. H. Praef.

[26] As instances we may take “Has res ad te scriptas Luci misimus Aeli:” again, “Si minus delectat, quod atechnon et Eisocratiumst, Laerodes_que simul totum ac sum meirakiodes ...” or worse still, “Villa Lucani mox potieris aca” for “Lucaniaca,” quoted by Ausonius, who adds “Lucili vati sic imitator eris.”

[27] From which Hor. borrowed his Iter ad Brundisium.

[28] Hor. S. i. x.

[29] Cic. de Fin. i. 3, 7.

CHAPTER VIII.

[1] Liv. vii. 2. The account, however, is extremely confused.

[2] Liv. x. 208, gnaros Oscae linguae exploratum mittit.

[3] See Teuff. R. Lit. 9, S 4.

[4] Ad Fam. ix. 16, 7.

[5] Val. Max. ii. 1.

[6] Sat. i. 10, 3.

[7] The names are Aleones, Prostibulum, Pannuceatae, Nuptiae, Privignus, Piscatores, Ergastulum, Patruus, Asinaria, Rusticus, Dotata, Decuma Fullonis, Praeco, Bucco, Macci gemini, Verres aegrotus, Pistor, Syri, Medicus, Maialis, Sarcularius, Augur, Petitor, Anulus, Praefectus, Arista, Ilernia, Poraria, Marsupium, Aeditumus, Auctoratus, Satyra, Galli, Transalpini, Maccus miles, Maccus sequester, Pappus Agricola, Leno, Lar familiaris, &c.

[8] iii. 174, vi. 71.

[9] Viz. his own epitaph, and those on Scipio, p. 78, ii. 4.

[10] xix. 9, 14.

[11] De Nat. Deor. i. 28, 79.

[12] Vit. Ter.

[13] = Pacuvi.

CHAPTER IX.

[1] So says Servius, but this can hardly be correct. See the note at the end of the chapter.

[2] E.g. iv. 7, 13, 20.

[3] The Roman mind was much more impressible to rich colour, decoration, &c. than the Greek. Possibly painting may on this account have met with earlier countenance.

[4] R. H. vol. i. p. 272.

[5] Liv. xxi. 38. calls him “maximus auctor.”

[6] Sat. i. 12.

[7] vii. 3.

[8] The question does not concern us here. The reader is referred to Niebuhr's chapter on the Era from the foundation of the city.

[9] Cic. de Off. iii. 32, 115.

[10] This is an inference, but a probable one, from a statement of Plutarch.

[11] Vide M. Catonis Reliquiae, H. Jordan, Lips. 1860.

[12] So he himself asserted; but they did not hold any Roman magistracy.

[13] Gell. xi. 2.

[14] Plin. N. H. vii. 27.

[15] Liv. xxxix. 40.

[16] De Sen. xvii. 65.

[17] Brut. xvi. 63.

[18] See H. Jordan's treatise.

[19] This was his age when he accused the perjured Galba after his return from Numantia (149 B.C.)—one of the finest of his speeches.

[20] Cato, 3, 2-4.

[21] See Wordsworth, Fr. of early Latin, p. 611, S 2.

[22] Serv. ad Virg. Aen. i. 267.

[23] Charis. ii. p. 181 (Jord).

[24] Serv. ad Virg. Aen. xi. 700.

[25] Gell. ii. 28, 6.

[26] Gell. iii. 7, 1.

[27] xii. 11, 23.

[28] Opikes. Cato's superficial knowledge of Greek prevented him from knowing that this word to Greek ears conveys no insult, but is a mere ethnographic appellation.

[29] Plin. N.H. xxix. 8, 15.

[30] De Sen. He gives the ground of it “quia multarum rerum usum habebat.”

[31] Cic. de Or. 11, 33, 142.

[32] Cic. de Off. i. 11. 10.

[33] Plin. xiii. 37, 84, and xxix. 6.

[34] De Or. ii. 12. See Nieb. Introd. Lect. iv.

[35] Annales, also Commentarii.

[36] Exiliter scriptos, Brut. 27, 106.

[37] See Quint. x. 1, passim.

[38] Gell. vii. 9, 1; speaks in this way of Piso.

[39] See Liv. i. 55.

[40] Cato, doubtless reflecting on the difficulty with which he had formed his own style, says “Literarum radices amarae, fructus incundiores.”

[41] Liv. lxxiv. Epit.

[42] aulo influxit vehementius ... agrestis ille quidem et horridus.— Cic. leg. i. 2, 6. So “addidit historiae maiorem sonum,” id. de Or. ii. 12, 54.

[43] xxix. 27.

[44] Plut. Numa. i.

[45] ix. 13. So Fronto ap. Gell. xiii. 29, 2.

[46] Aegis katestoaumenae, as distinct from Aegis eiromenae, Ar. Rhet.

[47] vii. 9.

[48] Liv. xxiii. 2.

[49] Id. xx. 8.

[50] iv. 7.

CHAPTER X.

[1] The evil results of a judicial system like that of Rome are shown by the lax views of so good a man as Quintilian, who compares deceiving the judges to a painter producing illusions by perspective (ii. 17, 21). “Nec Cicero, cum se tenebras offudisse iudicibus in causa Cluentii gloriatus est, nihil ipse vidit. Et pictor, cum vi artis suae efficit, ut quaedam eminere in opere, quaedam recessisse credamus, ipse ea plana esse non nescit.”

[2] x. 1. 32.

[3] See the article Judicia Publica in Ramsay's Manual of Roman Antiquities.

[4] The reader is referred to the admirable account of the Athenian dicasteries in Grote's History of Greece.

[5] See Forsyth's Life of Cicero, ch. 3.

[6] Brut. xiv. 53.

[7] Quint. ii. 16, 8.

[8] Peitho quam vocant Graeci, cuius effector est Orator, hanc Suadam appellavit Ennius.—Cic. Br. 58.

[9] Brut. 65.

[10] Brut. 293.

[11] Cic. Sen. ii. 38.

[12] viii. 7, 1.

[13] Diom. ii. p. 468.

[14] Ep. ad. Anton. i. 2, p. 99.

[15] Jordan, p. 41.

[16] Brut. 82.

[17] Wordsworth gives extracts from Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus (228-169 B.C.), C. Titius (161 B.C.), Metellus Macedonicus (140 B.C.), the latter apparently modernised.

[18] He and Scipio are thus admirably characterised by Horace:—

  “Virtus Scipiadae et mitis sapientia Laeli.”

[19] Brut. xxi. 83.

[20] Cic. Brut, xxiii. The narrator from whom Cicero heard it was Rutilius Rufus.

[21] He did not attempt to justify himself, but by parading his little children he appealed with success to the compassion of his judges!

[22] In 149 B.C. Piso established a permanent commission to sit throughout the year for hearing all charges under the law de Repetundis. Before this every case was tried by a special commission. Under Sulla all crimes were brought under the jurisdiction of their respective commissions, which established the complete system of courts of law.

[23] Ch. 34.

[24] Brut. 97, 333.

[25] Hist. Rom. bk. iv. ch. iii.

[26] Cic. de Or. III. lx. 225.

[27] Brut. xxxiii. 125.

[28] The same will be observed in Greece. We are apt to think that the space devoted to personal abuse in the De Corona is too long. But it was the universal custom.

[29] Tac. Or. 26.

[30] Fronto, Ep. ad Ant. p. 114.

[31] Cic. Brut. xxix.

[32] Hor. Od. i. 12.

[33] Nobilis ornatur lauro collega secunda.—Juv. x.

[34] See Brut. xxxv. 132, sq.

[35] See Dunlop, vol. ii. p. 274.

[36] I.e. the continuous edict, as being issued fresh with every fresh praetor.

[37] De repetundis, de peculatu, de ambitu, de maiestate, de nummis adulterinis, de falsis testamentis, de sicariis, de vi.

[38] Verr. i. 14.

[39] That against Caepio, De Or. ii. 48, 199.

[40] Eloquentium iurisperitissimus: Scaevola was iurisperitorum eloquentissimus.—Brut. 145.

[41] De Or. iii. 1, 4.

[42] Brut. lv.

[43] Orator. lxiii. 213.

[44] Judiciorum rex. Divin. in Ae. Caecil. 7.

[45] Dict. Biog. s.v. Hortensius. Forsyth's Hortensius, and an article on him by M. Charpentier in his “Writers of the Empire,” should be consulted.

[46] Div. in Q. Caecil.

[47] Brut. xcv.

[48] “Dellendus Cicero est, Latiaeque silentia linguae”—Sen Suas.

CHAPTER XI.

[1] Au vos consulere scitis, consulem facere nescitis? See Teuffel, R. L. S 130, 6.

[2] Lael. i. His character generally is given, Brut. xxvi. 102.

[3] Q. Mucius Scaevola, Pontifex, son of Publius, nephew of Q. Mucius Scaevola, Augur.

[4] Quoted by Teuffel, S 141, 2.

[5] Dict. Biog.

[6] See De Or. i. 53, 229.

[7] Ep. ii. 2, 89.

[8] ii. 4, 42.

[9] See Teuffel, Rom. Lit. 149, S 4.

[10] Compare Lucr. i. 633. Magis inter inanes quamde gravis inter Graios qui vera requirunt.

[11] Brut. lvi. 207.

[12] De Or. ii. 37.

[13] “egertika noaeseos.”—Plat. Rep. Bk. iv.

[14] apatheia, ataraxia.

[15] epistaemae and doxa, so often opposed in Plato and Aristotle.

[16] Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. i. 234. (Arkesilaos) kata men to procheiron pyrroneios ephaineto einai kata de taen alaetheian dogmatikos aen. So Bacon: Academia nova Acatalepsiam dogmatizavit.

[17] That is, all practically considered indifference or insensibility to be the thing best worth striving after.

[18] Cic. Tusc. iv. 3.

[19] Contrast the indifference of the vulgar for the tougher parts of the system. Lucr. “Haec ratio Durior esse videtur ... retroque volgus abhorret ab hac.”

[20] See a fuller account of this system under Lucretius.

BOOK II.

PART I.

CHAPTER I.

[1] Caes. B. C. ii. 16-20. From i. 36, we learn that all further Spain had been intrusted to him. Varro was in truth no partisan; so long as he believed Pompey to represent the state, he was willing to act for him.

[2] Phil. ii. 40, 41.

[3] Cf. Hor. Ep. 2, 43, “Sabina qualis aut perusta solibus Pernicis uxor Appuli.”

[4] Fr. of Catus. Cf. Juvenal. “Usque adeo nihil est quod nostra infantia caelum Hausit Aventinum, baca nutrita Sabina?”

[5] i. 4, 4.

[6] Ac. Post. i. 2. 8. He there speaks of them as vetera nostra.

[7] Given in Appendix, note i.

[8] Given in Aulus Gellius, xiii. xi. 1.

[9] v. i., et Romae quidem stat, sedet Athenis, nusquam autem cubat.

[10] We take occasion to observe the frequent insertion of Greek words, as in Lucilius and in Cicero's letters. These all recall the tone of high- bred conversation, in which Greek terms were continually employed.

[11] Mommsen, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 594; Riese, Men. Satur. Reliquiae, Lips. 1865.

[12] See the interesting discussion in Cicero, Acad. Post. 1.

[13] Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum.

[14] He also quotes the Aeneid as a source of religious ideas. Civ. D. v. 18, 19, et al.

[15] C. D. vi. 3, qui agant, ubi agant, quando agant, quid agant.

[16] Qui exhibeant (sacra), ubi exhibeant, quando exhibeant, quid exhibeant, quibus exhibeant.

[17] Plato says, Synoptikis a dialektikos; the true philosopher can embrace the whole of his subject; at the same time, temnei kai arthpa; he carves it according to the joints, not according to his notions where the joints should be (Phaedr.) But the Romans only understood Plato's popular side.

[18] See the end of the Res Rust. Bk. i.

[19] L. L. ix, 15; cf. vi. 82, x. 16, v. 88.

[20] R. R. iii. 5.

[21] Acad. Post. i. 3.

[22] Civ. Dei iv. 31.

[23] Cic. De Or. i. 39; N. D. ii. 24.

[24] Civ. Dei vi. 5.

[25] Seneca.

[26] Civ. Dei xviii. 9, 10, 17.

[27] Ad Att. xvi. 11. The Greek term simply means “a gallery of distinguished persons,” analogously named after the Peplos of Athene, on which the exploits of great heroes were embroidered.

[28] That on Demetrius Poliorcetes is preserved: “Hic Demetrius aeneis tot aptust Quot luces habet annus exsolutus” (aeneis = bronze statues).

[29] Plin. xxxv. 2; benignissimum inventum.

[30] See Bekker's Gallus, p. 30, where the whole subject is discussed.

[31] Civ. Dei, vi. 2.

[32] Aul. Gell. iii. 10, quotes also from the Hebdomades in support of this.

[33] Muller notices with justice the mistake of Cicero in putting down Varro as a disciple of Antiochus, whereas the frequent philosophical remarks scattered throughout the De Lingua Latina point to the conclusion that at this time, Varro had become attached to the doctrines of stoicism. It is evident that there was no real intimacy between him and Cicero. See ad Att. xiii. 12, 19; Fam. ix. 8.

[34] vi. 6, vii. 76.

[35] v. 92, vii. 32.

[36] v. 44, 178.

[37] v. 71, vii. 87.

[38] vi. 52, vii. 36.

[39] vii. 60; where, after a quotation from Plautus, we have—“hoc itidem in Corollaria Naevius: idem in Curculione ait,”—where the words from hoc to Naevius are an after addition. Cf. vii. 54.

[40] E.g. homo bulla—Di facientes adiuvant—Romani sedentes vincunt.

[41] Varro refuses to invoke the Greek gods, but turns to the old rustic di Consentes, Jupiter, Tellus; Sol, Luna; Robigus, Flora; Minerva, Venus; Liber, Ceres; Lympha and Bonus Eventus. A motley catalogue!

[42] ii. 4.

[43] ii. 4.

CHAPTER II.

[1] The biographical details are to a great extent drawn from Forsyth's Life of Cicero.

[2] Or diosaemeia.

[3] Pro Quintio.

[4] Pro S. Roscio Amerino.

[5] See De Off. ii. 14.

[6] Pro Roscio Comoedo.

[7] Pro M. Tullio.

[8] Divinatio in Caecilium.

[9] In Verrem. The titles of the separate speeches are De Praetura Urbana, De Iurisdictione Siciliensi, De Frumento, De Signis, De Suppliciis.

[10] Pro Fonteio.

[11] Pro Caecina.

[12] Pro Matridio (lost).

[13] Pro Oppio (lost).

[14] Pro Fundanio (lost).

[15] Pro A. Cluentio Habito.

[16] Pro lege Manilia.

[17] Pro G. Cornelio.

[18] In toga candida.

[19] Pro. Q. Gellio (lost).

[20] De lege Agraria.

[21] Pro C. Rabirio.

[22] Pro Calpurnio Pisone (lost).

[23] In L. Catilinam.

[24] Pro Muraena.

[25] Pro Cornelio Sulla (lost).

[26] Pro Archia poeta.

[27] Pro Scip. Nasica.

[28] Orationes Consulares.

[29] Pro A. Themio (lost).

[30] Pro Flacco.

[31] Orationes post reditum. They are ad Senatum, and ad Populum.

[32] De domo sua.

[33] De haruspicum responsis.

[34] Pro L. Bestia.

[35] Pro Sextio.

[36] De Provinciis Consularibus.

[37] Pro Coelio.

[38] Pro Can. Gallo (lost).

[39] In Pisonen.

[40] Pro Plancio.

[41] Pro Scauro (lost).

[42] Pro G. Rabirio Postumo (lost).

[43] Pro T. Annia Milone.

[44] Pro Marcello.

[45] Pro Q. Ligario.

[46] Pro Rege Deiotaro.

[47] Orationes Philippicae in M. Antonium xiv.

[48] Such are the speeches for the Manilian law, for Marcellus, Archias, and some of the later Philippics in praise of Octavius and Servius Sulpicius.

[49] It will be remembered that Milo and Clodius had encountered each other on the Appian Road, and in the scuffle that ensued, the latter had been killed. Cicero tries to prove that Milo was not the aggressor, but that, even if he had been, he would have been justified, since Clodius was a pernicious citizen dangerous to the state.

[50] Rosc. Com. 7.

[51] In Verr. ii. v. 11.

[52] In Vatin. 2.

[53] Pro Font. 11.

[54] Pro Rabir. Post. 13.

[55] Cat. iii. 3.

[56] Pro Coel. 3.

[57] Phil. ii. 41.

[58] In Verr. v. 65.

[59] Pro Coel. 6.

[60] Pro Cluent. pass.

[61] Forsyth; p. 544.

[62] He himself quotes with approval the sentiment of Lucilius:

              nec doctissimis; 
  Manium Persium haec legere nolo; Iunium Congum volo.

[63] De Republica, De Legibus and De Officiis.

[64] N. D. ii. 1, fin.

[65] De Off. i. 43.

[66] See Acad. Post. ii. 41.

[67] De Off. i. 2.

[68] De Fin. ii. 12.

[69] De Fin. ii. 12.

[70] E.g. the sophisms of the Liar, the Sorites, and those on Motion.

[71] Ac. Post. 20.

[72] De Leg. i. 13 fin. Perturbatricem autem harum omnium rerum Academian hanc ab Arcesila et Carneado recentem exoremus ut sileat. Nam si invaserit in haec, quae satis scite nobis instructa et composita videntur, nimias edet ruinas. Quam quidem ego placare cupio, submovere non audeo.

[73] i. 28.

[74] Tusc, i. 12, a very celebrated and beautiful passage.

[75] The Paradoxes are—(1) oti monon to kalon agathon, (2) oti autarkaesaearetae pros eudaimonian, (3) oti isa ta amartaemata kai ta katorthomata, (4) oti pas aphron mainetai. We remember the treatment of this in Horace (S. ii. 3). (5) oti monos o sophos eleutheros kai pas athron doulos, (6) oti monos o sophos plousios.

[76] A well-known fragment of the sixth book, the Somnium Scipionis, is preserved in Macrobius.

[77] Latrant homines, non loquuntur is his strong expression, and in another place he calls the modern speakers clamatores non oratores.

[78] Calamus.

[79] Atramentum.

[80] Called Librarii or A manu.

[81] Caesar generally used as his cipher the substitution of d for a, and so on throughout the alphabet. It seems strange that so extremely simple a device should have served his purpose.

[82] This is Servius's spelling. Others read Temelastis, or Talemgais, Orelli thinks perhaps the title may have been ta en elasei (Taenelasi, corrupted to Tamelastis) i.e. de profectione sua, about which he tells us in the first Philippic.

[83] Brut. 75.

[84] Brut. 80.

[85] Sextilius Ena, a poet of Corduba. The story is told in Seneca, Suas. vi.

CHAPTER III.

[1] Cicero went so far as to write some short commentarii on his consulship in Greek, and perhaps in Latin also; but they were not edited until after his death, and do not deserve the name of histories.

[2] Cf. ad. Fam.; v. 12, 1, and vi. 2, 3.

[3] X. i. 31. He calls it Carmen Solutum.

[4] See Bell. Civ. i. 4, 6, 8, 30; iii. 1.

[5] “Clementia tua,” was the way in which he caused himself to be addressed on occasions of ceremony.

[6] B. G. iv. 12.

[7] B. G. ii. 34. and iii. 16.

[8] Ib. see vii. 82.

[9] It was then that, as Suetonius tells us, Caesar declared that Pompey knew not how to use a victory.

[10] B. G. v. 36.

[11] Ib. iii. 25.

[12] Ib. i. 6, 7.

[13] Ib. iii. 59.

[14] B. G. iii. 7.

[15] Suetonius thus speaks (Vit. Caes. 24) of his wanton aggression, “Nec deinde ulla belli occasione ne iniusti quidem ac periculosi abstinuit tam federatis tam infestis ac feris gentibus ultro lacessitis.” An excellent comment on Roman lust of dominion.

[16] I am told by Professor Rolleston that Caesar is here mistaken. The pine, by which he presumably meant the Scotch fir, certainly existed in the first century B.C.; and as to the beech, Burnham beeches were then fine young trees. Doubtless changes have come over our vegetation. The linden or lime is a Roman importation, the small-leaved species alone being indigenous; so is the English elm, which has now developed specific differences, which have caused botanists to rank it apart. There is, perhaps, some uncertainty as to the exact import of the word fagus.

[17] B. G. vi. 11, sqq.

[18] Phars. i. 445-457.

[19] B. G. vi. 19.

[20] Ib. iii. 20.

[21] Ib. iv. 5.

[22] Ib. see i. 30; ii. 30.

[23] Ib. ii. 17; v. 5. Ib. iii. 16, 49, and many other passages.

[24] B. G. ii. 16, 207.

[25] Brut. lxxv. 262.

[26] “Calamistris inurere,” a metaphor from curling the hair with hot irons. The entire description is in the language of sculpture, by which Cicero implies that Caesar's style is statuesque.

[27] “Praerepta non praebita facultas.

[28] B. C. ii. 27, 28.

[29] Ib. i. 67.

[30] Ib. iii. 78. Compare also the brilliant description of the siege of Salonae iii. 7.

[31] Vell. Pat. ii. 73.

[32] De Or. iii. 12.

[33] See Aul. Gell. i. 10.

[34] The word ambactus (= cliens); and the forms malacia, detrimentosus, libertati (abl.), Senatu (dat.). But these last can be paralleled from Cicero.

[35] B. H. 5.

[36] Id. 5.

[37] Id. 33.

[38] Id. 31.

[39] Id. 5.

[40] Id. 15.

[41] Id. 19.

[42] E.g. 20.

[43] Ib.

[44] Tac. De Or. 21. “Non alius contra Ciceronem nominaretur.” Quint. x. i. 114.

[45] Elegantia, Brut. 72, 252.

[46] The best will be found in Suet. Jul. Caes. vi. Aul. Gel. v. 13, xiii. 3. Val. Max. v. 3. Besides we can form some idea of them from the analysis of them in his own Commentaries.

[47] De Analogia, in two books, Suet. 56.

[48] Brut. lxxii.

[49] See the long quotation in Gall. xix. 8.

[50] Gell. ix. 14.

[51] Charis. i. 114.

[52] Ibid.

[53] Gell. vii. 9.

[54] Prisc. i. 545.

[55] Cassiod. ex Annaeo Cornuto.—De Orthog. col. 2228.

[56] Macrob. i. 16.

[57] E.g. Macrob. Sat. i. 16. Plin. xviii. 26.

[58] Sat. vi. 334.

[59] Cicero calls them Vituperationes, ad Att. xii. 41.

[60] Suet. Caes. 77.

[61] Suet. 78.

[62] Ib. 75. Flor. iv. 11, 50.

[63] Ib. 74.

[64] Doctis Iupiter! et laboriosis, Cat. i. 7.

[65] More particularly the life of his friend Atticus, which breathes a really beautiful spirit, though it suppresses some traits in his character which a perfectly truthful account would not have suppressed.

[66] This is Nipperdey's arrangement.

[67] Hist. Rom. vol. viii.

[68] ii. 2.

[69] i. 2.

[70] They are fully expounded in the second volume of Roby's Latin Grammar.

[71] Unless Cotus be thought a more accurate representative of the Greek.

[72] Nipperdey, xxxvi.-xxxviii. quoted by Teuffel.

[73] Dunlop, ii. p. 146.

[74] Suet. Caes. 45.

[75] Ib. 56.

[76] Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni.—Phars. i. 128.

[77] Catil. 53.

[78] Cat. 3. The chapter is very characteristic; Jug. 3, scarcely less so.

[79] Suet. Gram. 15, tells us that a freedman of Pompey named Lenaeus vilified Sallust; he quotes one sentence: Nebulonem vita scriptisque monstrosum; praeterea priscorum Catonisque ineruditissimum furem. Cf. Pseudo-Cic. Decl. in Sall. 8; Dio. Hist. Rom. 43, 9.

[80] Res gestas carptim ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscribere. Cat. 4.

[81] Anson, id. iv. ad Nepotem implies that he began his history 90 B.C. Cf. Plutarch, Compar. of Sulla and Lysander. And see on this controversy Dict. Biog. s. v. Sallust.

[82] Jug. 95.

[83] Suet. J. C. 3.

[84] A spe, metu, partibus, liber.—Cat. 4; cf. Tac. Hist. i. 1. So in the Annals, sine ira et studio.

[85] This is not certain, but the consensus of scholars is in favour of it.

[86] Cat. 31, Cicero's speech is called luculenta atque utilis Reipublicae, cf. ch. 48.

[87] Ib. 8, 41, compared with Caes. B. C. ii. 8; iii. 58, 60.

[88] Ib. 1, compared with 52 (Caesar's speech).

[89] See esp. Cat. 54.

[90] Jug. 15.

[91] Ib. 67.

[92] Jug. 31.

[93] Cat. 35, 43; cf. also ch. 49.

[94] Jug. 95.

[95] Cat. 5.

[96] Jug. 6, sqq.

[97] Cat. 15, and very similarly Jug. 72.

[98] Quint. x. 1. Nec opponere Thucydidi Sallustium verear. The most obvious imitations are, Cat. 12, 13, where the general decline of virtue seems based on Thuc. iii. 82, 83; and the speeches which obviously take his for a model.

[99] As instances we give—multo maxime miserabile (Cat. 36), incultus, us (54), neglegisset (Jug. 40), discordiscus (66), &c. Poetical constructions are—Inf. for gerund, often; pleraque nobilitas formaxima pars nobilium (Cat. 17). For asyndeton cf. Cat. 5, et saepiss.

[100] Cat. 10. The well-known line os ch' eteron men kenthoi eni phresin, allo os bazoi, is the original.

[101] Ib. i. 1, virtus clara aeternaque habetur; obedientia finxit.

[102] It should perhaps be noticed that many MSS. spell the name Salustius.

CHAPTER IV.

[1] The actors in the Atellanae not only wore masks but had the privilege of refusing to take them off if they acted badly, which was the penalty exacted from those actors in the legitimate drama who failed to satisfy their audience. Masks do not appear to have been used even in the drama until about 100 B.C.

[2] Second Philippic.

[3] Planipedes audit Fabios. Juv. viii. 190.

[4] “Or Jonson's learned sock be on.” Milton here adopts the Latin synonym for comedy.

[5] The Pallium. This, of course, was not always worn.

[6] Ovid's account of the Mimus is drawn to the life, and is instructive as showing the moral food provided for the people under the paternal government of the emperors (Tr. ii. 497). As an excuse for his own free language he says, Quid si scripsissim Mimos obscaena iocantes Qui semper vetiti crimen amoris habent; In quibus assidue cultus procedit adulter, Verbaque dat stulto callida nupta viro? Nubilis haec virgo, matronaque, virque, puerque Spectat, et ex magna parte Senatus adest. Nec satis incestis temerari vocibus aures; Assuescunt oculi multa pudenda pati ... Quo mimis prodest, scaena est lucrosa poetae, &c. The laxity of the modern ballet is a faint shadow of the indecency of the Mime.

[7] The passage is as follows (Ep. ii. 1, 185): Media inter carmina poscunt Aut ursum aut pugiles: his nam plebecula plaudit. Verum equitis quoque iam miravit ab aure voluptas Omnis ad incertos oculos ... Captivum portator ebur, captiva Corinthus: Esseda festinant, pilenta, petorrita, naves ... Rideret Democritus, et ... spectaret populum ludis attentius ipsis Ut sibi pradientem mimo spectacula plura, etc. From certain remarks in Cicero we gather that things were not much better even in his day.

[8] This is what Gellius (xvii. 14,2) says.

[9] The whole is preserved, Macrob. S. ii. 7, and is well worth reading.

[10] Cic. ad Att. xii. 18.

[11] See App. note 2, for more about Syrus.

[12] Hor. Sat. i. x. 6, where he compares him to Lucilius.

[13] Examples quoted by Gellius, x. 24; xv. 25.

[14] vi. 21.

[15] We should infer this also from allusions to Pythagorean tenets, and other philosophical questions, which occur in the extant fragments of Mimes.

[16] Tr. ii. 503, 4.

[17] S. 1-3, et al.

[18] Vell. Pat. ii. 83, where Plancus dancing the character of Glaucus is described, cf. Juv. vi. 63.

[19] Quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit (Ep. ii. 1, 82). Quintilian (Inst. Or. xi. 3) says, Roscius citatior, Aesopus gravior fuit, quod ille comoedias, hic tragoedias egit.

[20] Cic. de Or. i. 28, 130. As Cicero in his oration for Sextius mentions the expression of Aesopus's eyes and face while acting, it is supposed that he did not always wear a mask.

[21] Ep. ii. 1, 173.

[22] xiv. 15. Others again think the name expresses one of the standing characters of the Atellanae, like the Maccus, etc.

[23] Pro Sext. 58.

[24] See Book i. chapter viii.

[25] These were doubtless much the worst of his poetical effusions. It was in them that the much-abused lines O fortunam natam me Consule Romam, and Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi, occurred. See Forsyth, Vit. Cic. p. 10, 11. His gesta Marii was the tribute of an admiring fellow-townsman.

[26] In the preface to his Lucretius.

[27] E.g. Inferior paulo est Aries et flumen ad Austri Inclinatior. Atque etiam, etc. v. 77; and he gives countless examples of that break after the fourth foot which Lucretius also affects, e.g. Arcturus nomine claro. Two or three lines are imitated by Virgil, e.g. v. 1, ab Jove Musarum primordia; so v. 21, obstipum caput et tereti cervice reflexum. The rhythm of v. 3, cum caeloque simul noctesque diesque feruntur, suggests a well-known line in the eighth Aeneid, olli remigio noctemque diemque fatigant.

[28] Suet. J. C. 56.

[29] N. H. xix. 7.

[30] Suet. vit. Ter. see page 51.

[31] See Bernhardy Grundr. der R. L. Anm, 200, also Caes. Op. ed. S. Clarke, 1778.

[32] De Bell. Alex. 4.

[33] Whenever a ship touched at Alexandria, Euergetes sent for any MSS. the captain might have on board. These were detained in the museum and labelled to ek ton ploion.

[34] The museum was situated in the quarter of the city called Brucheium (Spartian. in Hadr. 20). See Don. and Muller, Hist. Gk. Lit. vol. ii. chap. 45.

[35] The school of Alexandria did not become a religious centre until a later date. The priestly functions of the librarians are historically unimportant.

[36] It is true Theocritus stayed long in Alexandria. But his inspiration is altogether Sicilian, and as such was hailed by delight by the Alexandrines, who were tired of pedantry and compliment, and longed for naturalness though in a rustic garb.

[37] This is the true ground of Aristophanes' rooted antipathy to Euripides. The two minds were of an incompatible order, Aristophanes represents Athens; Euripides the human spirit.

[38] He must have had some real beauties, else Theocritus (vii. 40) would hardly praise him so highly: “ou gar po kat' emdn noon oude ton eslon Sikelidan nikemi ton ek Samo oude Philetan Aeidon, batrachos de pot akridat hos tis erisdo.”

[39] Even an epic poem was, if it extended to any length, now considered tedious; Epyllia, or miniature epics, in one, two, or three books, became the fashion.

[40] Others assign the poem which has come down to us to Germanicus the father of Caligula, perhaps with better reason.

[41] Cic. De Or. xvi. 69.

[42] Ovid (Amor. i, 15, 16) expresses the high estimate of Aratus common in his day: Nulla Sophocleo veniet iactura cothurno. Cum sole et luna semper Aratus erit. He was not, strictly speaking, an Alexandrine, as he lived at the court of Antigonus in Macedonia; but he represents the same school of thought.

[43] They are generally mentioned together. Prop IV. i. 1, &c.

[44] Nothing can show this more strikingly than the fact that the Puritan Milton introduces the loves of Adam and Eve in the central part of his poem.

[45] The Cantores Euphorionis and despisers of Ennius, with whom Cicero was greatly wroth. Alluding to them he says:—Ita belle nobis “Flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Onchesmites.” Hunc spondeiazonta si cui vis to neoteron pro tuo vendita. Ad. Att. vii, 2, 1.

[46] The reader is referred to the introductory chapter of Sellar's Roman poets of the Republic, where this passage is quoted.

[47] The reader is again referred to the preface to Munro's Lucretius.

[48] Quem tu, dea, tempore in omni Omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere rebus.

[49] i, 41.

[50] Ep. ad Q. Fr. ii. 11. It seems best to read multis ingenii luminibus non multae tamen artis than to put the non before multis. The original text has no non; if we keep to that, tamen will mean and even.

[51] Lucr. had a great veneration for his genius, see ii. 723: Quae (Sicilia) nil hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se Nec sanctum magis et mirum carumque videtur. Carmina quinctiam divini pectoris eius Vociferantur, et exponunt praeclara reperta, Ut vix humana videatur stirpe creatus.

[52] In his treatise de Poetica he calls him physiologon mallon i poiaeten.

[53] A French writer justly says “L'utilite c'est le principe createur de la litterature romaine.”

[54] Some one has observed that the martial imagery of Lucretius is taken from the old warfare of the Punic wars, not from that of his own time. He speaks of elephants, of Scipio and Hannibal, as if they were the heroes most present to his mind.

[55] The eros philosuphus, so beautifully described by Plato in the Symposium.

[56] A Scotch acquaintance of the writer's when asked to define a certain type of theology, replied, “An interminable argument.”

[57] Philetas wore himself to a shadow by striving to solve the sophistic riddle of the “Liar.” His epitaph alludes to this: Xeine, Philaetas eimi, logon d' o pseudomenos me olese kai nukton phrontides esperioi.

[58] iii. 3. “Te sequor, o Graiae gentis decus!”

[59] v. 8, where, though the words are general, the reference is to Epicurus.

[60] By Sulla, 84 B.C.

[61] He defined it as a leia kinaesis, or smooth gentle motion of the atoms which compose the soul.

[62] The doctrine of inherited aptitudes is a great advance on the ancient statement of this theory, inasmuch as it partly gets rid of the inconsistency of regarding the senses as the fountains of knowledge while admitting the inconceivability of their cognising the ultimate constituents of matter.

[63] Prof. Maudesley's books are a good example.

[64] Dux vitae, dia voluptas (ii. 171). So the invocation to Venus with which the poem opens.

[65] As where he invokes Venus, describes the mother of the gods, or deifies the founder of true wisdom.

[66] Nec sum animi dubius Graiorum obscura reperta Difficile inlustrare Latinis versibus esse; Multa novis verbis praesertim cum sit agendum Propter egestatem linguae et rerum novitatem (i. 130).

[67] i. 75.

[68] Lu. i. 56-95.

[69] Ib. i. 710-735; iii. 1-30.

[70] Ib. i. 912-941.

[71] Ib. ii. 1-60.

[72] Ib. ii. 354-366.

[73] Ib. iii. 1036 sqq.

[74] Ib. i. 32-40.

[75] Contrast him with Manilius, or with Ovid in the last book of the Metamorphoses, or with the author of Etna. The difference is immense.

[76] Lu. ii. 371.

[77] Ib. v. 18.

[78] Ib. Ib. v. 3.

[79] Ib. apatheia.

[80] Ib. v. 1201, sqq.

[81] The passage in which they are described is perhaps the most beautiful in Latin poetry, iii. 18, sqq. Cf. ii. 644.

[82] E.g. omoiomepeia, and various terms of endearment, iv. 1154-63.

[83] S. i. 10.

[84] E.g. frequently in Juvenal.

[85] E.g. terrai frugiferai: lumina sis oculis: indugredi, volta, vacefit, facie are on the analogy of Ennius's cere comminuit brum, salsae lacrimae, &c.

[86] See Appendix.

[87] Besides the passages quoted or referred to, the following throw light upon his opinions or genius. The introduction (i. 1-55), the attack on mythology (ii, 161-181, 591-650); that on the fear of death (iii. 943- 983), the account of the progress of the arts (v. 1358-1408), and the recommendation of a calm mind (v. 56-77).

[88] E.g. quocirca, quandoquidem, id ita esse, quod superest, Huc accedit ut, &c.

[89] Lu. i. 914.

[90] Qu. x. 1, 87.

[91] Ov. Am. i. 15, 23; Stat. Silv. ii. 7, 76.

[92] Hor. Deos didici securum agere aerom, S. i. v. 101.

[93] Georg. ii. 490. Connington in his edition of Virgil, points out hundreds of imitations of his diction.

[94] Tac. Ann. lv. 34.

[95] We cannot certainly gather that Furius was alive when Horace wrote Sat. ii. 5, 40,

  “Furius hibernas cana nive conspuit Alpes.”

[96] S. i. x. 36.

[97] See Virg. Aen. iv. 585; xii. 228; xi. 73l.

[98] Hor. S. i. x. 46, experto frustra Varrone Atacino.

[99] Ov. Am. i. xv. 21; Ep. ex. Pont. iv. xvi. 21.

[100] Qu. x. 1, 87.

[101] Trist. ii. 439. For some specimens of his manner see App. to chap. i. note 3.

[102] Ecl. ix. 35.

[103] Told by Ovid (Metam. bk. x.).

[104] Cat. xc. 1.

[105] Cic. (Brut.) lxxxii. 283.

[106] Romae vivimus; illa domus, lxviii. 34.

[107] See. C. xxxi.

[108] C. xxv.

[109] C. i.

[110] C. xlix.

[111] C. xciii. lvii. xxix.

[112] What a different character does this reveal from that of the Augustan poets! Compare the sentiment in C. xcii.:

  “Nil nimium studeo Caesar tibi velle placere 
   Nec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo.”

[113] For the character of Clodia, see Cic. pro Cael. passim; and for her criminal passion for her brother, compare Cat. lxxix., which is only intelligible if so understood. Cf. also lviii. xci. lxxvi.

[114] The beautiful and pathetic poem (C. lxxvi.) in which he expresses his longing for peace of mind suggests this remark.

[115] C. lxv. and lxviii.

[116] C. xxxi.

[117] Compare, however, Lucr. iii. 606-8.

[118] C. vi. 15, quicquid habes boni malique Die nobis.

[119] See xix. 5-9, and lxxvi.

[120] Especially in the Attis.

[121] Ov. Amor. iii. 9, 62, docte Catulle. So Mart. viii. 73, 8. Perhaps satirically alluded to by Horace, simius iste Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum. S. I. x.

[122] The first foot may be a spondee, a trochee, or an iambus. The licence is regarded as duriusculum by Pliny the Elder. But in this case freedom suited the Roman treatment of the metre better than strictness.

[123] A trimeter iambic line with a spondee in the last place, which must always be preceded by an iambus, e.g. Miser Catulle desinas ineptire.

[124] E.g. in C. lxxxiv. (12 lines) there is not a single dissyllabic ending. In one place we have dictaque factaque sunt. I think Martial also has hoc scio, non amo te. The best instance of continuous narration in this metre is lxvi. 105-30, Quo tibi tum—conciliata viro, a very sonorous passage.

[125] E.g. Perfecta exigitur | una amicitia (see Ellis. Catull. Prolog.), and Iupiter ut Chalybum | omne genus percut, which is in accord with old Roman usage, and is modelled on Callimachus's Zeu kater, os chalybon pan apoloito genos.

[126] This has been alluded to under Aratus. As a specimen of Catullus's style of translation, we append two lines, Hae me Konon eblepsen en aeri ton Berenikaes bostruchon on keinae pasin ethaeke theois of translation, we append two lines, which are thus rendered, Idem me ille Conon caelesti munere vidit E Bereniceo vertice caesariem Fulgenlem clare, quam multis illa deorum Levia protendens brachia pollicitaest. The additions are characteristic.

[127] clxviii.

[128] Ca. clxi: lxii.

[129] The conceit in v. 63, 64, must surely be Greek.

[130] Epullion.

[131] C. 68.

[132] See Ellis, Cat. Prolegomena.

PART II.

CHAPTER I.

[1] Tibullus was, however, a Roman knight.

[2] O. ii. 7, 10. Tecum Philippos et celerem fugam Sensi relicta non bene parmula.

[3] G. ii. 486. Flumina amem silvasque inglorius.

[4] i. 57. Non ego laudari curo mea Delia: tecum Dummodo sim, quaeso, segnis inersque vocer.

[5] Pr. i. 6,29. Non ego sum laudi, non natus idoneus armis.

[6] The lack of patrons becomes a standing apology in later times for the poverty of literary production.

[7] Pollio, however, stands on a somewhat different footing. In his cultivation of rhetoric he must be classed with the imperial writers.

[8] Dis te minorem quod geris imperas, 0. iii. 6, 5.

[9] Cicero was Augur. Admission to this office was one of the great objects of his ambition.

[10] Od. iii. 24, 33.

[11] C. S. 57; O. iv. 5, 21.

[12] Ecl. i. 7.

[13] Ep. ii. 1, 16.

[14] Prop. iii. 4, 1; Ovid Tr. iii. 1, 78.

[15] This subject is discussed in an essay by Gaston Boissier in the first volume of La Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins.

[16] Tac. Ann. i. 2, Ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur, ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent.

[17] Cum divus Augustus sicut caetera eloquentiam pacaverat.—De Causs. Corr. Eloq.

[18] Pompon Dig. I. 2. 2.47 (quoted by Teuffel). Primus Divus Augustus, ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur, constituit ut ex auctoritate eius responderent.

[19] Odi profanum vulgus et arceo (Hor. Od. iii. 1, 1), Parca dedit malignum spernere vulgus (id. ii. 16, 39), satis est equitem mihi plaudere (Sat. I. x. 77), and often. So Ovid, Fast. I. exordium.

[20] See the pleasing description in the ninth Satire of Horace's first book.

[21] Suet. Aug. 84. Tac. An. xiii. 3.

[22] Tuque pedestribus Dices historiis praelia Caesaris Maecenas melius ductaque per vias Regum colla minacium (Od. ii. 12, 9).

[23] Ep. 101, 11. I quote it to show what his sentiments were on a point that touched a Roman nearly, the fear of death: Debilem facito manu debilem pede coxa: Tuber astrue gibberum, lubricos quate dentes: Vita dum superest, bene est: hanc mihi vel acuta Si sedeam cruce sustine.

[24] He was so when Horace wrote his first book of Satires (x. 51). Forte epos acer lit nemo Varius ducit.

[25] Often quoted as the poem de Morte.

[26] Sat. vi. 2.

[27] Ecl. viii. 5, 88, procumbit in ulva Perdita, nec serae, &c. Observe how Virgil improves while he borrows.

[28] Aen. vi. 621, 2.

[29] Od. i. 61.

[30] So says the Schol. on Hor. Ep. I. xvi. 25.

[31] X. i. 98

[32] X. 3. 8.

[33] Ec. ix. 35.

[34] Virg. Ec. iii. 90; Hor. Epod. x.

[35] “Cinna procacior,” Ov. Trist. ii. 435.

[36] Saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo, Quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herba Macer. Trist. iv. 10, 43. Quint. (x. 1, 87) calls him humilis.

CHAPTER II.

[1] See Sellar's Virgil, p. 107.

[2] Pagus does not mean merely the village, but rather the village with its surroundings as defined by the government survey, something like our parish.

[3] Mantua vae miseras nimium vicina Cremonae, Ecl. 9. 27.

[4] In the celebrated passage Felix qui potuit, &c.

[5] Horace certainly did, and that in a more thorough manner than Virgil. See his remark at the end of the Iter ad Brundisium, and other well- known passages.

[6] Contrast the way in which he speaks of poetical studies, G. iv. 564, me dulcis alebat Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti, with the language of his letter to Augustus (Macrob. i. 24, 11), cum alia quoque studia ad id opus multoque potiora (i.e. philosophy) impertiar.

[7] This is alluded to in a little poem (Catal. 10): “Villula quae Sironis eras et peuper agelle, Verum illi domino tu quoque divitiae: Me tibi, et hos una mecum et quos semper amavi.... Commendo, in primisque patrem; tu nunc eris illi Mantua quod fuerat, quodque Cremona prius.” We observe the growing peculiarities of Virgil's style.

[8] See Hor. S. i. 5 and 10.

[9] Macrob. i. 24. See note, p. 5.

[10] As Horace. Od. I. iii. 4: “Animae dimidium meae.” Cf. S. i. 5, 40.

[11] “Namque pila lippis inimicum et ludere crudis.” Hor. S. i. v. 49.

[12] “A penitissima Graecorum doctrina.” Macr. v. 22, 15.

[13] “Gallo cuius amor tantum mihi crescit in horas 
     Quantum vere novo viridis se subiicit alnus.
 
                     —Ecl. x. 73.

[14] The Ciris and Aetna formerly attributed to him are obviously spurious.

[15] vi. and x.

[16] iii. iv.

[17] viii. ix.

[18] v. vii.

[19] Macrob. Sat. iii. 98, 19, calls Suevius vir doctissimus.

[20] “The original motive of the poem can only have been the idea that the gnat could not rest in Hades, and therefore asked the shepherd whose life it had saved, for a decent burial. But this very motive, without which the whole poem loses its consistency, is wanting in the extant Culex.”— Teuffel, R. L. S 225, 1, 4.

[21] Its being edited separately from Virgil's works is thought by Teuffel to indicate spuriousness. But there is good evidence for believing that the poem accepted as Virgil's by Statius and Martial was our present Culex. Teuffel thinks they were mistaken, but that is a bold conjecture.

[22] The missing the gist of the story, of which Teuffel complains, does not seem to us worse than the glaring inconsistency at the end of the sixth book of the Aeneid, where Aeneas is dismissed by the gate of the false visions. That incident, whether ironical or not, is unquestionably an artistic blunder, since it destroys the impression of truth on which the justification of the book depends.

[23] For instance, v. 291, Sed tu crudelis, crudelis tu magis Orpheu looks more like an imperfect anticipation than an imitation of Improbus ille puer crudelis tu quoque mater. Again, v. 293, parvum si Tartara possent peccatum ignovisse, is surely a feeble effort to say scirent si ignoscere Manes, not a reproduction of it; v. 201, Erebo cit equos Nox could hardly have been written after ruit Oceano nox. From an examination of the similarities of diction, I should incline to regard them as in nearly every case admitting naturally of this explanation. The portraits of Tisiphone, the Heliades, Orpheus, and the tedious list of heroes, Greek, Trojan, and Roman, who dwell in the shades, are difficult to pronounce upon. They might be extremely bad copies, but it is simpler to regard them as crude studies, unless indeed we suppose the versifier to have introduced them with the express design of making the Culex a good imitation of a juvenile poem. Minute points which make for an early date are meritus (v. 209), cf. fultus hyacintho (Ecl. 6); the rhythms cognitus utilitate manet (v. 65), implacabilis ira nimis, (v. 237); the form videreque (v. 304); the use of the pass. part. with acc. (v. ii. 175); of alliteration (v. 122, 188); asyndeton (v. 178, 190); juxtapositions like revolubile volvens (v. 168); compounds like inevectus (v. 100, 340); all which are paralleled in Lucr. and Virg. but hardly known in later poets. The chief feature which makes the other way is the extreme rarity of elisions, which, as a rule, are frequent in Virg. Here we have as many as twenty-two lines without elision. But we know that Virgil became more archaic in his style as he grew older.

[24] Molle atque facetum Virgilio annuerunt guadentes rure camenae.— Sat. i. x. 40.

[25] E.g. tutthon d' osson apothen becomes procul tantum ; panta d' enalla genoito becomes omnia vel medium fiant mare, &c.

[26] Virgil as yet claims but a moderate degree of inspiration. Me quoque dicunt Vatem pastores: sed non ego credulus illis. Nam neque adhuc Vario videor nec dicere Cinna Digna, sed argutos inter strepere anser olores. Ec. ix. 33.

[27] Ec. v. 45.

[28] In his preface to the Eclogues.

[29] Page 248. Cf. also tua Maecenas haud mollia iussa, G. iii. 41.

[30] Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen, G. ii. 176.

[31] The words Ille ludere quae vellum calamo permisit agresti (Ecl. i. 10), might seem to contradict this, but the Eclogues were of a lighter cast. He never speaks of the Georg. or Aen. as lusus. So Hor. (Ep. i. 1, 10), versus et cetera ludicra pono; referring to his odes.

[32] Hor. A. P. 218.

[33] See G. i. 500, sqq. where Augustus is regarded as the saviour of the age.

[34] We have observed that except Lucretius all the great poets were from the municipia or provinces.

[35] The tenth; imitated in Milton's Lycidas.

[36] In its form it reminds us of those Epyllia which were such favourite subjects with Callimachus, of which the Peleus and Thetis is a specimen.

[37] Said to have been uttered by Cicero on hearing the Eclogues read; the rima spes Romae being of course the orator himself. But the story, however pretty, cannot be true, as Cicero died before the Eclogues were composed.

[38] Hist. Lat. Lit. vol. iii.

[39] The most powerful are perhaps the description of a storm (G. i. 316, sqq.). of the cold winter of Scythia (G. iii. 339, sqq. ), and in a slightly different way, of the old man of Cerycia (G. iv. 125, sqq.).

[40] The latis otia fundis so much coveted by Romans. These remarks are scarcely true of Horace.

[41] Naples, Baiae, Pozzuoli, Pompeii, were the Brightons and Scarboroughs of Rome. Luxurious ease was attainable there, but the country was only given in a very artificial setting. It was almost like an artist painting landscapes in his studio.

[42] G. ii. 486. The literary reminiscences with which Virgil associated the most common realities have often been noted. Cranes are for him Strymonian because Homer so describes them. Dogs areAmyclean, because the Laco was a breed celebrated in Greek poetry. Italian warriors bend Cretan bows, &c.

[43] Cum canerem reges et praelia Cynthius aurem Vellit, et admomuit Pastorem Tityre, pingues Pascere oportet oves, deductum dicere carmen. (E. vi. 3).

[44] En erit unquam Ille dies tua cum liceat mihi dicere facta. (E. viii. 7).

[45] Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere pugnas Caesaris, &c. (G. iii. 46). The Caesar is of course Augustus.

[46] This eagerness to have their exploits celebrated, though common to all men, is, in its extreme development, peculiarly Roman. Witness the importunity of Cicero to his friends, his epic on himself; and the ill- concealed vanity of Augustus. We know not to how many poets he applied to undertake a task which, after all, was never performed (except partially by Varius).

[47] Except perhaps by Plato, who, with Sophocles, is the Greek writer that most resembles Virgil.

[48] Virgil, like Milton, possesses the power of calling out beautiful associations from proper names. The lists of sounding names in the seventh and tenth Aeneids are striking instances of this faculty.

[49] It is true this law is represented as divine, not human; but the principle is the same.

[50] Niebuhr, Lecture, 106.

[51] For example, Sallust at the commencement of his Catiline regards it as authoritative.

[52] Cf. Geor. ii. 140-176. Aen. i. 283-5; vi. 847-853; also ii. 291, 2; 432-4; vi. 837; xi. 281-292.

[53] Loc. cit.

[54] Observe the care with which he has recorded the history and origin of the Greek colonies in Italy. He seems to claim a right in them.

[55] This word, as Mr. Nettleship has shown in his Introduction to the Study of Virgil, is used only of Turnus.

[56] xi. 336, sqq. But the character bears no resemblance to Cicero's.

[57] There are no doubt constant rapports between Augustus and Aeneas, between the unwillingness of Turnus to give up Lavinia, and that of Antony to give up Cleopatra, &c. But it is a childish criticism which founds a theory upon these.

[58] ton katholon estin, Arist. De Poet.

[59] “Urbis orbis.”

[60] Suggestions Introductory to the Study of the Aeneid.

[61] The Greek heroic epithets dios, kalos, agathos, &c. primarily significant of personal beauty, were transferred to the moral sphere. The epithet pius is altogether moral and religious, and has no physical basis.

[62] Pater ipse colendi; haud facilem esse viam voluit, and often. The name of Jupiter is in that poem reserved for the physical manifestations of the great Power.

[63] The questions suggested by Venus's speech to Jupiter (Aen. 1, 229, sqq.) as compared with that of Jupiter himself (Aen. x. 104), are too large to be discussed here. But the student is recommended to study them carefully.

[64] Like Dante, he was held to be Theologus nullius dogmatis expers. See Boissier, Religion des Romains, vol. i ch. iii. p. 260.

[65] Aen. xii. 882.

[66] Ib. xii. 192.

[67] See Macr. Sat. i. 24, 11.

[68] Boissier, from whom this is taken, adduces other instances. I quote an interesting note of his (Rel. Rom. p. 261): “Cependant, quelques difficiles trouvaient que Virgile s'etait quelquefois trompe. On lui reprochait d'avoir fait immoler par Enee un taureau a Jupiter quand il s'arrete dans la Thrace et y fonde une ville, et selon Ateius Capito et Labeon, les lumieres du droit pontifical, c'etait presqu'un sacrilege. Voila donc, dit-on, votre pontife qui ignore ce que savent meme les sacristains! Mais on peut repondre que precisement le sacrifice en question n'est pas acceptable des dieux, et qu'ils forcent bientot Enee par de presages redoutables, a s'eloigner de ce pays. Ainsi en supposant que la science pontificale d'Enee soit en defaut, la reputation de Virgile reste sans tache.

[69] Aen. x. 288.

[70] “Fierement dessine.” The expression is Chateaubriand's.

[71] xii. 468.

[72] The reader is referred to a book by M. de Bury, “Les femmes du temps d'Auguste,” where there are vivid sketches of Cleopatra, Livia, and Julia.

[73] Aen. i. 402; ii. 589.

[74] A list of passages imitated from Latin poets is given in Macrob. Sat. vi., which should be read.

[75] Such as Latium from latere, (Aen. viii. 322), and others, some of which may be from Varro or other philologians.

[76] A few instances are, the origin of Ara Maxima (viii. 270), the custom of veiled sacrifices (iii. 405), the Troia sacra (v. 600), &c.

[77] The pledging of Aeneas by Dido (i. 729), the god Fortunus (v. 241).

[78] E.g. the allusion to the legendary origin of his narrative by the preface Dicitur, fertur (iv. 205; ix. 600).

[79] E.g. olli, limus, porgite, pictai, &c.: mentem aminumque, teque ... tuo cum flumine sancto; again, calido sanguine, geminas acies, and a thousand others. His alliteration and assonance have been noticed in a former appendix.

CHAPTER III.

[1] In the consulship of L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus. “O nate mecum consule Manlio,” Od. III. xxi. 1; Epod xiii. 6.

[2] Libertino patre natum, Sat. I. vi. 46.

[3] Natus dum ingenuus, ib. v. 8.

[4] Sat. I. vi. 86.

[5] Me fabulosae Vulture in Apulo, &c.; Od. iii. 4, 9.

[6] Ep. II. i. 71.

[7] S. I. vi. 8.

[8] Juv. vii. 218.

[9] Sat. I. iv. 113.

[10] Ep. II. ii. 43.

[11] Quae mihi pareret legio Romana tribuno, Sat. I. vi, 48.

[12] O saepe mecum tempus in ultimum deducte, Od. II. vii. 1.

[13] Ib. 5.

[14] Ep. II. ii. 51.

[15] Sueton. Vit. Hor.; cf. Sat. II. vi. 37, De re communi scribae te orabant ...reverti.

[16] Ep. ii. 2, 51.

[17] S. I. vi. 55.

[18] Iubesque esse in amicorum numero.—Ib. This expression is important, since many scholars have found a difficulty in Horace's accompanying Maecenas so soon after his accession to his circle, and have supposed that Sat. I. v. refers to another expedition to Brundisium, undertaken two years later. This is precluded, however, by the mention of Cocceius Nerva.

[19] S. ii. 3. 11.

[20] Ep. I. vi. 16.

[21] Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri, Ep. I. i. 14.

[22] S. I. ii. 25.

[23] Suet. Vit. Hor. Fragments of four letters are preserved. One to Maecenas, “Ante ipse sufficiebam scribendis epistolis amicorum; nunc occupatissimus et infirmus, Horatium nostrum te cupio adducere. Veniet igiur ab ista parasitica mensa ad hanc regiam, et nos in epistolis scribendis adiuvabit.” Observe the future tense, the confidence that his wish will not be disputed. He received to his surprise the poet's refusal, but to his credit did not take it amiss. He wrote to him, “Sume tibi aliquid iuris apud me, tanquam si convictor mihi fueris; quoniam id usus mihi tecum esse volui, si per valetudinem tuam fieri potuisset.” And somewhat later, “Tui qualem habeam memoriam poteris ex Septimio quoque nostro audire; nam incidit, ut illo coram fieret a me tui mentio. Neque enim, si tu superbus amicitiam nostram sprevisti, ideo nos quoque anthuperphronoumen.” The fourth fragment is the one translated in the text.

[24] Quem rodunt omnes ... quia sum tibi, Maecenas, convictor, S. I. vi. 46. Contrast his tone, Ep. I. xix. 19, 20; Od. iv. 3.

[25] Sat. I. ix.

[26] Sat. II. vi. 30, sqq.

[27] S. II. vi. 1.

[28] O. II. xviii. 14; III. xvi. 28, sqq.

[29] The year in which he received the Sabine farm is disputed. Some (e.g. Grotefend) date it as far back as 33 B.C.; others, with more probability, about 31 B.C.

[30] They were probably published simultaneously in 23 B.C. If we take the earlier date for his possession of the Sabine farm, he will have been nearly ten years preparing them.

[31] Ep. I. ix.

[32] Ep. I. xvii. and xviii.

[33] Ep. I. xiv.

[34] The first seven stanzas of IV. 6, with the prelude (III. i. 1-4), are supposed to have been sung on the first day; I. 21 on the second; and on the third the C. S. followed by IV. vi. 28-44.

[35] See p.38.

[36] C. xxxii.

[37] Od. IV. 4.

[38] Ep. I. i. 10.

[39] Ep. I. xx.

[40] Od. II. xvii. 5.

[41] E.g. the infamous Sextus Menas who is attacked in Ep. 4.

[42] Epod. 5 and 17, and Sat. I. viii.

[43] Epod. viii. xii.; Od. iv. xiii.

[44] The sorceresses or fortune-tellers. Some have without any authority supposed her to have been a mistress of the poet's, whose real name was Gratidia, and with whom he quarrelled.

[45] I. xxxv.

[46] II. xvii.

[47] Cf. Troiae renascens alite lugubri... with Occidit occideritque sinas cum nomine Troia. In both cases Juno is supposed to utter the sentiment. This can hardly be mere accident.

[48] Ep. I. i. 33, Fervet avaritia miseroque cupidine pectus; Sunt verba et voces quibus hunc lenire dolorem Possis.

[49] Od. I. xii. 17.

[50] Od. I. ii. 43.

[51] Od. IV. v. 1.

[52] Od. III. iii. 9.

[53] Ep. II. i. 15.

[54] The best instance is Od. III. vi. 45, where it is expressed with singular brevity.

[55] Od. I. xi. among many others.

[56] A. P. 391, sqq.; S. I. iii. 99.

[56] Ep. I. iv. and ii. 55.

[57] E.g. laborum decepitur, Od. II. xiii. 38. The reader will find them all in Macleane's Horace.

[58] The most extraordinary instance of this is Od. IV. iv. 17, where in the very midst of an exalted passage, he drags in the following most inappropriate digression—Quibus Mos unde deductus per omne Tempus Amazonia securi Dextras obarmet quaerere distuli, Nec scire fas est omnia. Many critics, intolerant of the blot, remove it altogether, disregarding MS. authority.

[59] Ego apis Matinae more modoque ... operosa parvus carmina fingo, Od. IV. ii. 31.

[60] Od. IV. iv. 33.

[61] Od. III. iii. 17.

[62] Od. III. xxviii.

[63] Od. III. xi.

[64] Od. III. ix.

[65] I.e. the hall where rhetorical exhibitions were given.

[66] Nisi quod pede certo differt sermoni, sermo merus, S. I. iv. So the title sermones.

[67] We learn this from the life by Suetonius.

[68] E.g. invideor, imperor, se impediat (S. I. x. 10) = impediatur; amphora coepit institui for coepta est. Others might easily be collected.

[69] S. I. iv. 10; S. II. i. in great part.

[70] S. L. iv 60, Postquam Discordia tetra Belli ferratos postes portasque refregit. These are also imitated by Virgil; but they do not appear to show any particular beauty.

[71] S. I. v. 101; Ep. I. iv. 16.

[72] Neque simius iste Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum (S. I. x. 19). I cannot agree with Mr. Martin (Horace for English Readers. p. 57), who thinks the allusion not meant to be umcomplimentary.

[73] Parios iambos has been ingeniously explained to mean the epode, i.e. the iambic followed by a shorter line in the same or a different rhythm, e.g. pater Lukamba poion ephraso tode; ti sas paraeeire phrenas; but it seems more natural to give Parios the ordinary sense. Cf. Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo, A. P. 79.

[74] Ep. I. xix. 24.

[75] S. i. 118, Omne vafer vitium ridenti Flaccus amico Tangit, et admissus circum praecordia ludit, Callidus excusso populum suspendere naso.

[76] Tib. IV. i. 179, Est tibi qui possit magnis se accingere rebus Valgius: aeterno propior non alter Homero.

[77] Od. II. ix. 19.

[78] Quint. III. i. 18. Unger, quoted by Teuffel, S 236, conjectures that for Nicandrum frustra secuti Macer atque Virgilius, we should read Valgius, in Quint. X. i. 56.

[79] Sat. I. ix. 61.

[80] Arguta meretrice potes Davoque Chremeque Eludente senem comis garrire libellas Unus vivorum, Fundani. After all, this praise is equivocal.

[81] Pindarici fontis qui non expalluit haustus.... An tragica desaevit et ampullatur in arte? Ep. I. iii. 10.

[82] Ep. I. viii. 2.

[83] Ep. I. iii. 15.

[84] Od. IV. ii. 2.

[85] Od. iv. ii. 2, quoted by Teuffel.

[86] Od. I. xxxiii.; Ep. I. iv.

CHAPTER IV.

[1] E.g. In the first 100 lines of the Remedium Amoris, a long continuous treatise, there is only one couplet where the syntax is carried continuously through, v. 57, 8, Nec moriens Dido summa vidisset ab arce Dardanias vento vela dedisse rates, and even here the pentameter forms a clause by itself. Contrast the treatment of Catullus (lxvi. 104-115) where the sense, rhythm, and syntax are connected together for twelve lines. The same applies to the opening verses of Virgil's Copa. Tate's little treatise on the elegiac couplet correctly analyses the formal side of Ovid's versification. As instances of the relation, of the elegiac to the hexameter—iteration (Her. xiii. 167), Aucupor in lecto mendaces caelibe somnos; Dum careo veris gaudia falsa iuvant: variation (Her. xiv. 5), Quod manus extimuit iugulo demittere ferrum Sum rea: laudarer si scelus ausa forem: expansion (id. 1), Mittit Hypermnestra de tot modo fratribus una: Cetera nuptarum crimine turba iacet: condensation (Her. xiii. 1), Mittit et optat amans quo mittitur ire salutem, Haemonis Haemonio Laodamia viro: antithesis (Am. I. ix. 3), Quae bello est habilis veneri quoque convenit aetas; Turpe senex miles turpe senilis amor. These illustrations might be indefinitely increased, and the analysis carried much further. But the student will pursue it with ease for himself. Compare ch. ii. app. note 3.

[2] Ecl. x. 2.

[3] Two Greek Epigrams (Anthol. Gr. ii. p. 93) are assigned to him by Jacobs (Teuffel).

[4] Quint. x. 1, 93.

[5] Mart. iv. 29, 7.

[6] Id. vii. 29, 8.

[7] v. 17, 18.

[8] Tr. II. x. 6.

[9] El. I. i. 19.

[10] Ep. I. iv. 7.

[11] Prisca iuvent alios: ego me nunc denique natum Gratulor: haec aetas moribus apta meis (A. A. iii. 121). Ovid is unquestionably right.

[12] Od. I. xxxiii. 2.

[13] El. I. 7; II. 1. Tibullus turns from battle scenes with relief to the quiet joys of the country.

[14] Others read Plautia, but without cause.

[15] El. ii. 21.

[16] Ib. i. 57.

[17] Ib. ii. 1.

[18] Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide index, Hor. Ep. I. iv.

[19] Ov. Am. III. ix. 32, implies that Delia and Nemesis were the two successive mistresses of the poet.

[20] El. IV. ii. 11, 12, urit ... urit. Cf. G. i. 77, 78. Again, dulcissima furta (v. 7), cape tura libens (id. 9); Pone metum Cerinthe (iv. 15), will at once recall familiar Virgilian cadences.

[21] Ib. IV. vi. 2; vii. 8.

[22] Ib. IV. viii. 5; x. 4.

[23] S. I. ix. 45.

[24] Ib. iv. 23, 24; v. 8, 1.

[25] Whatever may be thought of his identity with Horace's bore, and it does not seem very probable, the passage, Ep. II. ii. 101, almost certainly refers to him, and illustrates his love of vain praise.

[26] Merivale has noticed this in his eighth volume of the History of the Romans.

[27] As instances of his powerful rhythm, we may select Cum moribunda niger clauderet ora liquor; Et graviora rependit iniquis pensa quasillis: Non exorato stant adamante vias; and many such pentameters as Mundus demissis institor in tunicis; Candida purpureis mixta papaveribus.

[28] See El. I. ii. 15, sqq.; I. iii. 1-8, &c.

[29] Ib. ii. 34, 61.

[30] El. iii. (iv.) 6 (7).

[31] Ib. v. (iv.) 7.

[32] Ib. iv. (iii.) 8 (9). Two or three other elegies are addressed to him.

[33] iv. (iii.) 1, 3.

[34] On these see next chapter, p. 320.

[35] See Contr. ii. 11.

[36] Trist. I. ii. 77.

[37] So says the introduction; but it is of very doubtful authenticity.

[38] Am. II. i. 11.

[39] A. A. III. 346, ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus

[40] G. iii, 4, sqq.

[41] These remarks apply equally to the Metamorphoses, and indeed to all Ovid's works.

[42] Lex Papia-Poppaea.

[43] It is probable that the Art of Love was published 3 B.C., the year of Julia's exile.

[44] Some have, quite without due grounds, questioned the authenticity of this fragment.

[45] Tac. De Or. xiii; Quint. X. i. 98.

[46] i. vii. 27.

[47] See the witty invocation to Venus, Bk. IV. init.

[48] F. ii. 8.

[49] The most beautiful portions are perhaps the following:—The Story of Phaethon (ii. 1), the Golden Age (i. 89), Pyramus and Thisbe (iv. 55), Baucis and Philemon, a rustic idyl (viii. 628), Narcissus at the Fountain (iii. 407), The Cave of Sleep (xi. 592), Daedalus and Icarus (viii. 152), Cephalus and Procris (vii. 661), The passion of Medea (vii. 11), from which we may glean some idea of his tragedy.

[50] The chief passages bearing on it are, Tr. II. 103; III. v. 49; VI. 27; IV. x. 90. Pont, I. vi. 25; II. ix. 75; III. iii. 75.

[51] Such names as Messala, Graecinus, Pompeius, Cotta, Fabius Maximus, occur in his Epistles.

[52] This continual dwelling on mythological allusions is sometimes quite ludicrous, e.g., when he sees the Hellespont frozen over, his first thought is, “Winter was the time for Leander to have gone to Hero; there would have been no fear of drowning!”

[53] His abject flattery of Augustus hardly needs remark. It was becoming the regular court language to address him as Jupiter or Tonans; when Virgil, at the very time that Octavius's hands were red with the proscriptions, could call him a god (semper erit Deus ), we cannot wonder at Ovid fifty years later doing the same.

[54] E.g. 69-90.

[55] We may notice with regard to the Ciris that it is very much in Ovid's manner, though far inferior. I think it may be fixed with certainty to a period succeeding the publication of the Metamorphoses. The address to Messala, v. 54, is a mere blind. The goddess Sophia indicates a later view than Ovid, but not necessarily post-Augustan. The goddess Crataeis (from the eleventh Odyssey), v. 67, is a novelty. The frivolous and pedantic object of the poem (to set right a confusion in the myths), makes it possible that it was produced under the blighting government of Tiberius. Its continual imitations make it almost a Virgilian Cento.

[56] Tac. Ann. vi. 18.

[57] Pont. IV. xvi.

[58] Am. II. xviii. 27.

[59] IV. xvi. 27.

[60] Quint. X. i. 89.

[61] I.e. that waged with Sextus Pompey.

[62] Suas. vi. 26.

[63] Pont. VI. xvi. 5.

[64] Pont. VI. xvi. 34.

[65] The name Faliscus is generally attached to him, but apparently without any certain authority.

[66] I. 898.

[67] IV. 935.

[68] Ib. 764.

[69] V. 513.

[70] Manilius hints at the general dislike of Tiberius in one or two obscure passages, e.g. I. 455; II. 290, 253; where the epithets tortus, pronus, applied to Capricorn, which was Tiberius's star, hint at his character and his disgrace. Cf. also, I. 926.

[71] De Or. I. 16.

[72] It may interest the reader to catalogue some of his peculiarities. We find admota moenibus arma (iv. 37), a phrase unknown to military language; ambiguus terrae (II. 231), agiles metae Phoebi (I. 199) = circum quas agiliter se vertit; Solertia facit artes (I. 73) = invenit. Attempts at brevity like fallente solo (I. 240) = Soli declivitas nos longitudine fallens; Moenia ferens (I. 781) = muralem coronam; inaequales Cyclades (iv. 637), i.e. ab inaequalibus procellis vexatae, a reminiscence from Hor. (Od. II. ix. 3). Constructions verging on the illegitimate, as sciet, quae poena sequetur (iv. 210); nota aperire viam, sc. sidera (I. 31); Sibi nullo monstrante loquuntur Neptuno debere genus (II. 223); Suus for eius (IV. 885); nostrumque parentem Pars sua perspicimus. The number might be indefinitely increased. See Jacob's full index.

[73] These are worth reading. They are—I. 1-250, 483-539; II. 1-150, 722-970; III. 1-42; IV. 1-118 (the most elaborate of all), 866-935; V. 540-619, the account of Perseus and Andromeda.

[74] A hint borrowed from Plato's Timaeus.

[75] I. 246. An instance of a physical conclusion influencing moral or political ones. The theory that seas separate countries has always gone with a lack of progress, and vice versa.

[76] Vis animae divina regit, sacroque meatu Conspirat deus et tacita ratione gubernat (I. 250).

[77] Hyg. P. A, ii. 14.

[78] I. 458.

[79] II. 58.

[80] Mundi Vates, II. 148.

[81] E.g. that of spring, V. 652-668.

[82] E.g. the transitions Nunc age (iii. 43), Et quoniam dictum est (iii. 385); Percipe (iv. 818), &c.; the frequent use of alliteration (i. 7, 52, 57, 59, 63, 84, 116, &c.); of asyndeton (i. 34; ii. 6); polysyndeton (i. 99, sqq.).

[83] E.g. pedibus quid iungere certis (iii. 35).

[84] E.g. in those of Phaethon, and Perseus and Andromeda.

[85] E.g. alia proseminat usus (i. 90); inde species (ii. 155), &c.

[86] Facis ad (i. 10); caelum et (i.795); conor et (in thesi. iii. 3); pudent (iv. 403).

[87] E.g. clepsisset (i. 25); itiner (i. 88); compagine (i. 719); sorti abl. (i. 813); audireque (ii 479).

[88] E.g. the plague so depopulated Athens that (ii. 891) de tanto quondam populo vix contigit heres! At the battle of Actium (ii. 916); in Ponto quaesitus rector Olympi!

CHAPTER V.

[1] He was an adept in the res culinaria. Tac. An. vi. 7, bitterly notes his degeneracy.

[2] Haterii canorum illud et profluens cum ipso simul extinctum est, Ann. iv. 61.

[3] The author of two books on figures of speech, an abridged translation of the work of Gorgias, a contemporary Greek rhetorician.

[4] Seneca and Quintilian quote numerous other names, as Passienus, Pompeius, Silo, Papirius Flavianus, Alfius Flavus, &c. The reader should consult Teuffel, where all that is known of these worthies is given.

[5] The praenomen M. is often given to him, but without authority.

[6] Probably until 38 A.D.

[7] Contr. I. praef. ii.

[8] See Teuffel, S 264.

[9] His son speaks of his home as antiqua et severa.

[10] Caesar, it will be remembered, was greatly struck with the attention given to the cultivation of the memory in the Druidical colleges of Gaul.

[11] Many of these facts are taken from Seeley's Livy, Bk. I. Oxford, 1871.

[12] L. Seneca (Epp. xvi. 5, 9) says: “Scripsit enim et dialogos quos non magis philosophiae annumeres quam historiae et ex professo philosophiam continentes libros.” These half historical, half philosophical dialogues may perhaps have resembled Cicero's dialogue De Republica: Hertz supposes them to have been of the same character as the logistopika of Varro (Seeley, v. 18).

[13] Tac. Ann. iv. 34.

[14] Sen. N. Q.

[15] Plin. Ep. ii. 3.

[16] Praef. ad Nat. Hist.

[17] De. Leg. i. 2. See also Book II. ch. iii. init.

[18] Maiorum quisquis primus fuit ille tuorum Aut pastor fuit aut illud quod dicere nolo, Sat. viii. ult.

[19] E.g. III. 26. “When Cincinnatus was called to the dictatorship, he was either digging or ploughing; authorities differed. All agreed in this, that he was at some rustic work.” Cf. iv. 12, and i. 24, where we have the sets of opposing authorities, utrumque traditur, auctores utroque trahunt being appended.

[20] A contemporary of the Gracchi; very little is known of him.

[21] Quaestor, 203 B.C. He wrote in Greek. A Latin version by a Claudius, whom some identify with Quadrigarius, is mentioned by Plutarch.

[22] For these see back, Bk. I. ch. 9.

[23] See App. p. 103.

[24] Fasti.

[25] See p. 88.

[26] Liv. viii. 40, Falsis imaginum titulis.

[27] viii. 18, 1.

[28] ix. 44, 6.

[29] i. 7.

[30] ii. 40, 10.

[31] xxx. 45.

[32] i. 46; x. 9.

[33] xliii. 13.

[34] i. 16.

[35] i. 26.

[36] E.g., the consuls being both plebeian, the auspices are unfavourable (xxiii. 31). Again, the senate is described as degrading those who feared to return to Hannibal (xxiv. 18). Varro, a novus homo, is chosen consul (xxii. 34).

[37] xxxvii. 39.

[38] xlii. 74.

[39] Cf. xlii 21; xliii. 10; xlv. 34.

[40] iv. 20, 5.

[41] viii. 11, Haec etsi omnis divini humanique memoria abolevit nova peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis quoque iosis ut tradita nuncupataque sunt referre.

[42] Sur Tite-Live. The writer has been frequently indebted to this clear and striking essay for examples of Livy's historical qualities.

[43] xxxviii. 17.

[44] v. 44.

[45] vii. 34.

[46] As the invective of the old centurion who had been scourged for debt (ii. 23); Canuleius's speech on marriage (iv. 3); the admirable speech of Ligustinus showing how the city drained her best blood (xlii. 34).

[47] We cannot refrain from quoting an excellent passage from Dr. Arnold on the unreality of these cultivated harangues. Speaking of the sentiments Livy puts into the mouth of the old Romans, he says “Doubtless the character of the nobility and commons of Rome underwent as great changes in the course of years as those which have taken place in our own country. The Saxon thanes and franklins, the barons and knights of the fourteenth century, the cavaliers and puritans of the seventeenth, the country gentlemen and monied men of a still later period, all these have their own characteristic features, which he who would really write a history of England must labour to distinguish and to represent with spirit and fidelity; nor would it be more ridiculous to paint the members of a Wittenagemot in the costume of our present House of Commons than to ascribe to them our habits of thinking, or the views, sentiments, and language of a modern historian.”

[48] The latter given by Seneca the elder, the former xxxix. 40.

[49] viii. 5.

[50] ii. 54, 5.

[51] xxx. 20.

[52] xxi. 10.

[53] i. 26, 10.

[54] E.g. Haec ubi dicta dedit: ubi Mars est atrocissimus: stupens animi; laeta pascua, &c. (Teuffel).

[55] Auctor e severissimis, Plin. xi. 52, 275.

[56] The view that he flourished under Titus is altogether unworthy of credit.

[57] See pref. to Book VI.

[58] II. pref. 5.

[59] Many of these facts are borrowed from the Dict. Biog. s. v.

[60] Pref. to Book VII.

[61] Epist. ad Car. Magn. Praef. ad Paul. Diac.

[62] Tr. iii. 14, is perhaps addressed to him.

[63] S 257, 7.

[64] Ep. i. 19, 40.

BOOK III.

CHAPTER I.

[1] The Empire is here regarded solely in its influence on literature and the classes that monopolised it. If the poor or the provincials had written its history it would have been described in very different terms.

[2] Pont. iv. 2. Impetus ille sacer, qui vatum pectora nutrit Qui prius in nobis esse solebat abest. Vix venit ad partes; vix sumtae Musa tabellae Imponit pigras paene coacta manus.

[3] Suet. Tib. 70.

[4] Sat. vii. 234.

[5] Livy and Trogus.

[6] Varro.

[7] Cicero.

[8] Juv. vii. 197.

[9] See ii. 94 which contains exaggerated commendations on Tiberius.

[10] The author's humble estimate of himself appears, Si prisci oratores ab Jove Opt. Max. bene orsi sunt ... mea parvitas eo iustius ad tuum favorem decurrerit, quod cetera divinitas opinione colligitur, tua praesenti fide paterno avitoque sideri par videtur ... Deos reliquos accepimus, Caesarea dedimus.

[11] The reader is referred to Teuffel, Rom. Lit. S 274, 11.

[12] Daremberg.

[13] Notices of Celsus are—on his Husbandry, Quint. XII. xi. 24, Colum. I. i. 14; on his Rhetoric, Quint. IX. i. 18, et saep.; on his Philosophy, Quint. X. i. 124; on his Tactics, Veget. i. 8. Celsus died in the time of Nero, under whom he wrote one or two political works.

[14] See Sen. Contr. Praef. X. 2-4.

[15] Quint. X. i. 91.

[16] Mart. III. 20, Aemulatur improbi iocos Phaedri.

[17] Phaed. III. prol. 21.

[18] Phaed. IV. prol. 11; he carefully defines his fables as Aesopiae, not Aesopi.

[19] Quint. X. i. 95.

CHAPTER II.

[1] Cal. 34.

[2] Suet. Claud. 41.

[3] Id.

[4] See p. 11.

[5] Sen. de. Tr. 14, 4.

[6] Nero had asked Cornutus's advice on a projected poem on Roman history in 400 books. Cornutus replied, “No one, Sire, would read so long a work.” Nero reminded him that Chrysippus had written as many. “True!” said Cornutus, “but his books are useful to mankind.”

[7] v. Suetonius's Vita Persii.

[8] Pers. v. 21.

[9] Ib. i. 12.

[10] “Sed sum petulanti splene cachinno,” Pers. i. 10.

[11] Himself a lyric poet (Quint. X. i. 96) of some rank. He also wrote a didactic poem, De Metris, of a similar character to that of Terentianus Maurus. Persius died 62 A.D.

[12] Vit. Pers.: this was before he had written the Pharsalia.

[13] Quint. X. i. 94.

[14] Mart. IV. xxix. 7.

[15] Pers. i. 96.

[16] E.g. i. 87, 103. Cf. v. 72.

[17] Pers. iii. 77.

[18] Ib. iv. 23.

[19] Ib. i. 116. The examples are from Nisard.

[20] Ep. ii. 1, 80.

[21] Pers. v. 103. Compare Lucan's use of frons, nec frons erit ulla senatus, where it seems to mean boldness. In Persius it = shame.

[22] A. P. 102.

[23] Pers. i. 91. Compare ii. 10; i. 65. with Hor. S. II. vi. 10; II. vii. 87.

[24] Ib. i. 124.

[25] Ib. i. 59.

[26] Ib. v. 119.

[27] Ib. vi. 25.

[28] The accuracy of this story has been doubted, perhaps not without reason. Nero's contests were held every five years. Lucan had gained the prize in one for a laudation of Nero, 59 A.D.(?), and the one alluded to in the text may have been 64 A.D. when Nero recited his Troica. Dio. lxii. 29.

[29] Perhaps Phars. iii. 635. The incident is mentioned by Tac., Ann. xv. 70.

[30] Phars. i. 33.

[31] Ib. vii. 432.

[32] I.e. beyond the bounds of the Roman empire.

[33] Martial alludes to Quintilian's judgment when he makes the Pharsalia say, me criticus negat esse poema: Sed qui me vendit bibliopola putat.

[34] Phars. v. 59.

[35] Si libertatis Superis tam cura placent Quam vindicta placet, Phars. iv. 806.

[36] Superum pudor, Phars. viii. 597.

[37] Ib. 605.

[38] Ib. 665.

[39] Ib. 800.

[40] Ib. 869, Tam mendax Magni tumulo quam Creta Tonantis.

[41] Ib. ix. 143.

[42] Ib. i. 128.

[43] Phars. vii. 454.

[44] Est ergo flamen ut Iovi ... sic Divo Iulio M. Antonius. Cic. Phil. ii.

[45] Nos te, Nos facimus Fortuna deam caeloque locamus, Juv. x. ult.

[46] Phars. v. 110, sqq.

[47] Ib. vi. 420-830.

[48] Ib. ii. 1-15.

[49] Ib. v. 199.

[50] Ib. ii. 380.

[51] Ib. ix. 566-586. This speech contains several difficulties. In v. 567 the reading is uncertain. The MS. reads An sit vita nihil, sed longam differat aetas? which has been changed to et longa? an differat actas? but the original reading might be thus translated, “Or whether life itself is nothing, but the years we spend here do but put off a long (i.e. an eternal) life?” This would refer to the Druidical theory, which seems to have taken great hold on him, that life in reality begins after death. See i. 457, longae vitae Mors media est, which exactly corresponds with the sentiment in this passage, and exemplifies the same use of longus.

[52] Capit impia plebes Cespite patricio somnos, Phars. vii. 760.

[53] Vivant Galataeque, Syrique, Cappadoces, Gallique, extremique orbis Iberi, Armenii, Cilices, nam post civilia bella Hic populus Romanus erit, Ib. vii. 335. Compare Juv. iii. 60; vii. 15.

[54] Phars. i. 56.

[55] Ib. vii. 174.

[56] See the long list, ii. 525, and the admirable criticism of M. Nisard.

[57] Phars. iii. 538, sqq.

[58] Ib. ix. 735.

[59] Of the seps Lucan says, Cyniphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi est; Eripiunt onmes animam, tu sola cadaver (Phars. ix. 788).

[60] In allusion to the swelling caused by the prester, Non ausi tradere busto, Nondum stante modo, crescens fugere cadaver! Of the iaculus, a species which launched itself like an arrow at its victim, Deprensum est, quae funda rotat, quam lenta volarent, quam segnis Scythicae strideret arundinis aer.

[61] Phars. ix. 211.

[62] Ib. iv. 520.

[63] Silv. ii. 7, 54.

[64] Phars. v. 540.

[65] Ib. vi. 195.

[66] Phars. vii. 825.

[67] Ib. iv. 823.

[68] Ib iv. 185.

[69] The two passages are, Eumenidum veluti demens videt agmina Pentheus Et solem geminum et duplices se ostendere Thebas; Aut Agamemdnonius scaenis agitatus Orestes Armatum facibus matrem et squalentibus hydris cum fugit, ultricesque sedent in limiue Dirae (Aen. iv. 469). Lucan's (Phars. vii. 777), runs, Haud alios nondum Scythica purgatus in ara Emmenidum vidit vultus Pelopeius Orestes: Nec magis attonitos animi sensere tumultus, Cum fueret, Pentheus, aut cum desisset, Agave.

[70] Particularly that after the third foot, which is a feature in his style (Phars. vii. 464), Facturi qui monstra ferunt. This mode of closing a period occurs ten times more frequently than any other.

[71] I have collected a few instances where he imitates former poets:— Lucretius (i. 72-80), Ovid (i. 67 and 288), Horace (v. 403), by a characteristic epigram; Virgil in several places, the chief being i. 100, though the phrase belli mora is not Virgil's; ii. 32, 290, 408, 696; iii. 234, 391, 440, 605; iv. 392; v. 313, 610; vi. 217, 454; vii. 467, 105, 512, 194; viii. 864; x. 873.

[72] Phars. i. 363.

[73] Ib. viii. 3.

[74] Ib. i. 529.

[75] Phars. v. 479.

[76] Ib. v. 364.

[77] Metuentia astra, 51; Sirius irdex, 247. Cf. Man. i. 399 sqq.

[78] The rare form Ditis = Dis occurs in these two writers.

[79] Ep. 34, 2.

[80] Ep. 79, 1, 5, 7.

[81] See v. 208, 216, 304, 315, 334.

[82] Tac. A. xiv. 52, carmina orebrius factitare points to tragedy, since that was Nero's favourite study. Mart. i. 61, 7, makes no distinction between Seneca the philosopher and Seneca the tragedian, nor does Quint. ix. 2, 8, Medea apud Senecam, seem to refer to any but the well-known name. M. Nisard hazards the conjecture that they are a joint production of the family; the rhetorician, his two sons Seneca and Mela, and his grandson Lucan having each worked at them!

[83] Aen. iv. 11, Con.

[84] Hippol. 1124 and Oed. 979, are the finest examples.

CHAPTER III.

[1] Praefectus vigilum.

[2] Plin. N. H. xxii. 23, 47.

[3] Said to have amounted to 300,000,000 sesterces. Tac. An. xiii. 42. Juvenal calls him praedives. Sat. x. 16.

[4] Au. xiv. 53.

[5] The great blot on his character is his having composed a justification of Nero's matricide on the plea of state necessity.

[6] Ep. 45, 4; cf. 2, 5.

[7] Ep. 110, 18.

[8] He was a scurrilous abuser of the government. Vespasian once said to him, “You want to provoke me to kill you, but I am not going to order a dog that barks to execution.” Cf. Sen. Ep. 67, 14; De ben. vii. 2.

[9] Ep. 64, 2.

[10] Or at least in a much less degree. Tacitus and Juvenal give instances of rapacity exercised on the provinces, but it must have been inconsiderable as compared with what it had been.

[11] Ep. 6, 4.

[12] Ep. 75, 3.

[13] Ep. 75, 1.

[14] Vit. Beat. 17, 3.

[15] Ep. 38, 1. He compares philosophy to sun-light, which shines on all; Ep. 41, 1. This is different from Plato: to plaethos adunaton philosophon einai.

[16] Martha, Les Moralistes de l'Empire romain.

[17] Ep. 45.

[18] Ep. 38, 1; and 94, 1.

[19] Such as Serenus, Lucilius, &c. The old families seem to have eschewed him.

[20] Vit. Beat. 17, 1.

[21] M. Havet, Boiss. Rel. rom. vol. ii. 44.

[22] The question is sifted in Aubertin, Seneque et Saint Paul ; and in Gaston Boissier, La Religion romaine, vol. II. ch. ii.

[23] De Vir. Illust. 12. Tertullian (Ap. ii. 8, 10) had said before, Seneca saepe noster; but this only means that he often talks like a Christian.

[24] He afterwards repudiated her, and she died in great poverty. Her act shows a gentle and forgiving spirit.

[25] Claud. 25, “Iudaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes expulit.”

[26] Tac. An. xv. 44.

[27] Hodie tricesima Sabbata, S. I. ix.

[28] We have seen how the great orators Crassus and Antonius pretended that they did not know Greek: the same silly pride made others pretend they had never heard of the Jews, even while they were practising the Mosaic rites. And the number of noble names (Cornelii, Pomponii, Caecilii) inscribed on Christian tombs in the reigns of the Antonines proves that Christianity had made way even among the exclusive nobility of Rome.

[29] Prol. 13; ii. 45.

[30] 107, 12.

[31] 74, 20.

[32] Frag. 123.

[33] Ep. 110, 10 parens noster.

[34] 41, 2.

[35] Ep. 47, 18.

[36] Benef. iv. 12.

[37] E.g. In the Consol. ad Marc. 19, 5; ad Polyb. 9, 3. Even in Ep. 106, 4, he says, animus corpus est. Cf. 117, 2.

[38] 57, 7-9; 63, 16.

[39] 86, 1, animum eius in coelum, ex quo erat, redisse persuade mihi.

[40] 102, 26.

[41] Some have thought that if he did not know St Paul (who came to Rome between 56 and 61 A.D. when Seneca was no longer young) he may have heard some of the earlier missionaries in Rome.

[42] He could not have been occupied for years in governing the world, and, with his desire for virtue, not have risen to nobler conceptions than those with which he began.

[43] De. Ira, iii. 28, 1; cf. id. i. 14, 3.

[44] De. Clem. ii. 6, 2.

[45] Ep. 59, 14; 31, 3.

[46] 53, 11; cf. Prov. 66.

[47] This is the more cogent, because we find that the philosophers who were converted to Christianity all turned at once to its principles, often calling it a philosophia. Its practice they admired also; but this was not the first object of their attention.

[48] Ep. 95, 52.

[49] Ep. 95, 30.

[50] Ep. 96, 33, homo sacra res homini.

[51] Ben. iii. 28, 2.

[52] Ep. 47, humiles amici.

[53] In the treatise De Superstitione, of which several fragments remain. It is, however, probable that Seneca would have equally disliked any positive religion. He regards the sage as his own temple.

[54] Ep. 88, 37. There is a celebrated passage in one of his tragedies (Med. 370) where he speaks of our limited knowledge, and thinks it probable that a great New World will be discovered: “ Venient annis secula seris Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, Tethysque novos detegat orbes Nec sit terris ultima Thule,” an announcement almost prophetic.

[55] Ep. 48, 11. He did not advise, but he allowed, suicide, as a remedy for misfortune or disgrace. It is the one thing that makes the wise man even superior to the gods, that at any moment he chooses he can cease to be!

CHAPTER IV.

[1] Tac. An. xv. 16.

[2] For a full list of all the arguments for and against these dates the reader is referred to Teuffel, R. L. S 287.

[3] The exact date is uncertain. He speaks of Seneca as living, probably between 62 and 65 A.D. But he never mentions Pliny, who, on the contrary, frequently refers to him. He must, therefore, have finished his work before Pliny became celebrated.

[4] Perhaps the treatise Adversus Astrologos was written with the object of recommending the worship of the rural deities (xii. 1, 31). In one place (ii. 225) he says he intends to treat of lustrationes ceteraque sacrifitia.

[5] G. iv. 148.

[6] On the pro Milone, pro Scauro, pro Cornelia, in Pisonem, in toga candida.

[7] Scholia Bobbiensia.

[8] It is identical with the second book of Sacerdos, who lived at the close of the third century.

[9] Ann. xvi. 18.

CHAPTER V.

[1] Suetonius calls him Novocomensis. He himself speaks of Catullus as his own conterraneus, from which it has been inferred by some that he was born at Verona (N. H. Praef.). His full name is C. Plinius Secundus.

[2] Dubii Sermonis, sometimes named De Difficilibus Linguae Latinae.

[3] De Iaculatione Equestri.

[4] Ep. vi. 16.

[5] Plin. vi. 20.

[6] Ib. iii. 5.

[7] Plin. N. H. ii. 1.

[8] Some have supposed that he lived much later, till 118 A.D., but this is improbable.

[9] Referred to in the proemium to Book VI. Some have thought it the work we possess, and which is usually ascribed to Tacitus, but without reason.

[10] De Institutione Oratoria.

[11] See Appendix.

[12] Plin. vi. 32.

[13] Juv. iv. 75.

[14] Juv. vii. 186. Pliny gave him L400 towards his daughter's dowry, a proof that, though he might be well off, he could not be considered rich.

[15] Mr. Parker told the writer that it was impossible to overrate the accuracy of Frontinus, and his extraordinary clearness of description, which he had found an invaluable guide in many laborious and minute investigations on the water-supply of ancient Rome.

[16] He is named by St Aug. De Util. Cred. 17.

CHAPTER VI.

[1] In the single ancient codex of the Vatican, at the end of the second book we read C. Val. Fl. Balbi explicit, Lib. II.; at the end of the fourth book, C, Val. Fl. Setini, Lib. IV. explicit; at the end of the seventh, C. Val. Fl. Setini Argonauticon, Lib. VII. explicit. The obscurity of these names has caused some critics to doubt whether they really belonged to the poet.

[2] Mart. I. 61-4.

[3] I. 5.

[4] X. i. 90.

[5] So Dodwell, Annal Quintil.

[6] i. 7, sqq.

[7] E.g., of Titus storming Jerusalem (i. 13),

      “Solymo nigrantem pulvere fratem 
  Spargentemque faces, et in omni turre furentem.”

[8] iv. 508; cf. iv. 210.

[9] Ep. III. 7.

[10] Ren. i. 535.

[11] ix. 491.

[12] See Silv. V. iii. passim. This poem is a good instance of an epicedion.

[13] Ib. II. ii. 6.

[14] Ib. III. v. 52.

[15] Ib. III. v. 28; cf. IV. ii 65.

[16] Quint. III. vii. 4.

[17] Ib. III. v. 31.

[18] Silv. IV. ii. 65.

[19] For a brilliant and interesting essay on the two Statii, the reader is referred to Nisard, Poetes de la Decadence, vol. I. p. 303.

[20] The fifth book is unfinished. Probably he did not care to recur to it after leaving Rome.

[21] Silv. I. ii. 95.

[22] Book II. part II. ch. i.

[23] Sat. I. iv. 73.

[24] Pont. IV. ii. 34; Trist. III. xiv. 39.

[25] Laetam fecit cum Statius Urbem Promisitque diem, Juv. vii. 86.

[26] Esurit intactam Paridi nisi vendit Agaven, Juv. ib.

[27] Bis senos vigilata per annos, Theb. xii. 811.

[28] Theb. vii. 435, quoted by Nisard.

[29] “The land on the other side.”

[30] The reader is referred to an article on the later Roman epos by Conington, Posthumous Works, vol. i. p. 348.

[31] Aen. vi. 413.

[32] Phars. i. 56.

[33] Theb. i. 17; Ach. i. 19.

[34] Theb. xii. 815.

[35] As i. 49, 3; iv. 55, 11, &c.

[36] In x. 24, 4, he tells us he is fifty-six; in x. 104, 9, written at Rome, he says he has been away from Bilbilis 34 years. In xii. 31. 7, he says his entire absence lasted 35 years. Now this was written in 100 A.D.

[37] iii. 94.

[38] v. 13.

[39] Nisard, p. 337.

[40] vii. 36.

[41] i. 77, &c.

[42] vii. 34.

[43] vii. 21.

[44] iv. 22.

[45] xi. 104.

[46] ii. 92, 3.

[47] So it is inferred from xii. 31.

[48] xii. 21.

[49] iii. 21.

[50] They will be found in Epig. x. 19.

[51] v. 37.

[52] See esp. ix. 48, as compared with Juv. ii. 1-30.

[53] x. 2.

[54] Mart. xi. 10.

[55] Mart. ix. 9.

[56] Ep. ix. 19, 1.

[57] Ep. iii. 1.

[58] x. 35, 1.

[59] E.g. The description of Domitian: qui res Romanas imperat inter, Non trabe sed tergo prolapsus et ingluvie albus. The underlined expression is an imitation of Aristophanes' Nub. 1275, ouk apo dokou all' ap' onou, i.e. apo nou, “He fell not from a beam, but from a donkey.”

[60] Juv. i. 2.

[61] Ib. 3, recitaverit ille togatas, &c.

CHAPTER VII.

[1] Como.

[2] Juv. i. 49.

[3] The correspondence dates from 97 to 108 A.D.

[4] x. 96 (97).

[5] This refers to the malicious charges of acts of cruelty performed at the common meal, often brought against the early believers.

[6] Probably deaconesses.

[7] Ep. II. 13, 4.

[8] Ep. II. 11, 19.

[9] Ep. V. 5, 1.

[10] Ep. VII, 31, 5.

[11] Ep. VI. 15.

[12] An exhaustive list of these minor authors will be found in Teuffel, S 336-339.

[13] iii. 3l9.

[14] It runs: Cereri sacrum D. Junius Juvenalis tribunus cohortis I. Delmatarum, II. vir quinquennalis flamen Divi Vespasiani vovit dedicavitque sua pecunia. See Teuffel, S 326.

[15] Perhaps vii. 90.

[16] xv. 45.

[17] So, at least, says the author of the statement. But the cohort of which Juvenal was prefect was in Britain A.D. 124 under Hadrian. See Teuffel.

[18] Nuper console Junco, xv. 27. Others read Junio.

[19] Coleridge's definition of poetry as “the best words in their right places” may be fitly alluded to here. It occurs in the Table Talk.

[20] iv. 128; viii. 6, 7; xv. 75.

[21] Except in his poorer satires; certainly never in i. ii. iii. iv. vi. vii. viii.

[22] The close intimacy between Juvenal and Martial is no great testimony in favour of Juvenal. See Mart. vii. 24.

[23] iii. 61; cf. vi. 186, sqq.

[24] Cum perimit saevos classis numerosa tyrannos, vii. 151.

[25] Sat. iv.

[26] Ib. vii. 1-24.

[27] Experiar quid concedatur in illos Quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque Latina, i. 170.

[28] x. 66.

[29] viii. 147.

[30] x. 147, sqq.

[31] iii. 61, 87, 7.

[32] vii. pass.

[33] i. 32, 158.

[34] vii. 16.

[35] iii. 77-104.

[36] vi. 562, et al.

[37] See especially iii. 30-44.

[38] References, allusions, and imitations of Virgil occur in most of the Satires. For reminiscences of Lucan, cf. Juv. i. 18, 89; xii. 97, 8; with Phars. i. 457; viii. 543; ix. 781, 2.

[39] His praenomen is uncertain; some think it was Publius.

[40] N. H. vii. 17.

[41] Hist. i. 1.

[42] Agr. 45.

[43] A. iv. 20.

[44] A. xiv. 12.

[45] De Or. 2.

[46] Ep. vii. 20, 4.

[47] Ep. ii. 1, 6.

[48] Ch. 29 especially, seems an echo of Quintilian.

[49] E.g. Pallentem Famam, ch. 13. The expression—Augustus eloquentiam sient cetera pacaverat; and that so admirably paraphrased by Pitt (ch. 36), Magna eloquentia, sicat flamma, materia alitur et motibus excitatur et urendo clarescit.

[50] Ch. 3.

[51] Esp. ch. 10, 11.

[52] Notably the history of the Jews. Hist. v.

[53] Ann. iv. 32.

[54] De Bury, Les Femmes de l'Empire.

CHAPTER VIII.

[1] For an excellent account of this inconstant prince see his biography by Aelius Spartianus, who preserves other poems of his.

[2] Cf. Dom. 12, Interfuisse me adolescentulum memini cum inspiceretur senex (a Domitiano). From Gram. 4, Ner. 57, as compared with this, we should infer that he was about fifteen in the year 90.

[3] Ep. i. 18.

[4] Ep. iii. 8.

[5] Paneg. Traj. 95.

[6] Ep. i. 24.

[7] E.g. Fronto writing under Antoninus mentions him as still living.

[8] Hist. Var. 6, 874-896 (Roth).

[9] De Spect. 5.

[10] Ad Aen. 7, 612: Tria suntgenera trabearum; nuum diis sacratum, quod est tantum de purpura; aliud regum, quod est purpureum, habet tanem album aliquid; tertium augurale de purpura et cocco. The other passage (Ad Aen. 2, 683) describes the different priestly caps, the apex, the tubulus, and the galerus.

[11] Etym. 18, 2, 3.

[12] Perhaps the word Stemma should be supplied before syngenikon.

[13] In one MS. is appended to Suetonius's works a list of grammatical observations called Differentiae sermonum Remmi Palaemonis ex libro Suetoni Tranquilli qui inscribitur Pratum. Roth prints these, but does not believe them genuine.

[14] It will be found Ner. 47-49.

[15] Qualis artifex pereo.

[16] Many of these ejaculations are in Greek. On this see note i. p. 37.

[17] Usually (from the Cod. Bamberg.) Julius Florus; but Mommsen considers this a corruption.

[18] Riese, Anthol. Lat. p. 168-70; ib. No. 87, p. 101. Some have ascribed the Pervigilium Veneris to him.

[19] ii. 1.

[20] See back page 331.

[22] Dio. xl. 5, 20.

[23] For these writers, see Teuff. S 345.

[24] i. 4, 1.

[25] He speaks of having learnt from him to epistasthai oti hae turannikae baskania kai poikilia kai hypokrisis kai oti os epipan oi kaloumenoi outoi par aemin Eupatridai astorgoteroi pos eisin.

[26] Paneg. Constant. 14.

[27] Sat. V. 1.

[28] Siccum. This shows more acumen than we should have expected from Macrobius.

[29] Ep. ad M. Caes ii. 1.

[30] In complaining of fate, he suddenly breaks off with the words: Fata a fando appellata aiunt; hoccine est recte fari? S 7.

[31] On this see a fuller account, pp. 478, 474.

[32] Some of the more interesting chapters in his work may be referred to:—On religion, i. 7; iv. 9; iv. 11; v. 12; vi. 1. On law, iv. 3; iv. 4; iv. 5; v. 19; vii. 15; x. 20. On Virgil, i. 23; ii. 3; ii. 4; v. 8; vi. 6; vii. 12; vii. 20; ix. 9; x. 16; xiii. 1; xiii. 20. On Sallust, i. 15; ii. 27; iii. 1; iv. 15; x. 20. On Ennius, iv. 7; vii. 2; xi. 4; xviii. 5.

[33] And those often rare ones, as solitavisse.

[34] E.g. in vii. 17, where he poses a grammarian as to the signification of obnoxius. Compare also xiv. 5, on the vocative of egregius.

[35] See xiv. 6.

[36] See iv. 9.

[37] See esp. xix. 9.

[38] E.g. iv. 1.

[39] Especially iv. 7; v. 21; vii. 7, 9, 11; xvi. 14; xviii. 8, 9.

[40] xviii. 5.

[41] Civ. Dei. ix. 4.

[42] Teuffel, S 356.

[43] Note 1, p. 466.

[44] xix. 11.

[45] The personal taste of the emperors now greatly helped to form style. This should not be forgotten in criticising the works of this period.

[46] Such is Teuffel's opinion, following Buchelor, L. L. S 358.

[47] P. 1414.

[48] This date is adopted by Charpentier. Teuffel (L. L. S 362, 2) inclines to a later date, 125 A.D.

[49] Apol. 23.

[50] Sometimes called De Magia.

[51] The word paupertas must be used in a limited sense, as it is by Horace, pauperemque dives me petit; or else we must suppose that Apuleius had squandered his fortune in his travels.

[52] The case was tried before the Proconsul Claudius Maximus.

[53] It will be found Metam. iv. 28—vi. 24.

[54] Apuleius himself (i. 1) calls it a Milesian tale (see App. to ch. 3). These are very generally condemned by the classical writers. But there is no doubt they were very largely read sub rosa. When Crassus was defeated in Parthia, the king Surenas is reported to have been greatly struck with the licentious novels which the Roman officers read during the campaign.

[55] St Augustine fully believed that he and Apollonius of Tyana were workers of (demoniacal) miracles.

CHAPTER IX.

[1] The reader is referred to Champagny, Les Cesars, vols. iii. and iv; Martha, Les Moralistes romaines; Gaston Boissier, Les Antonins; Charpentier, Ecrivains latins sous l'Empire.

[2] The declaimers of Suaseriae in praise of the heroes of old were contemptuously styled Marathonouachos.

[3] Delivered by Fronto.

[4] One, irritated that the Emperor Antoninus did not bow to him in the theatre, called out, “Caesar! do you not see me?”

[5] Inst. Div. iii. 23.

[6] Dio. xvii. p. 464.

[7] Id. xii. p. 397.

[8] Epictetus (Dissert. iii. 26) uses the very word—theoi diakonoi ko martyres. Christianity hallowed this term, as it did so many others.

[9] See Juvenal: Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos De conducende loquitur iam rhetore Thule, xv. 1112.

[10] Dissert. i. 9.

[11] Tac. Hist. iii. 81.

[12] Plut. De Defect. Orac. p. 410.

[13] Vit. Apol. iv. 40.

[14] Jampridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, Juv. iii. 52.

[15] Decernat quodcunque volet de corpore nostro Isis, Id. xiii. 93.

[16] Herm. 24.

[17] De deo Socr. 3.

[18] E.g. Those of Greece are cheerful for the most part, those of Egypt gloomy.

[19] He was an African, it will be remembered.